https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Jewish_Nazi_collaborators
Category:Jewish Nazi collaborators
Pages in category „Jewish Nazi collaborators”
The following 8 pages are in this category, out of 8 total. This list may not reflect recent changes (learn more).
Ans van Dijk, Abraham Gancwajch, Stella Kübler, Moshe Merin, Alfred Nossig, Calel Perechodnik, Chaim Rumkowski, Józef Szeryński
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ans_van_Dijk
Nazi collaborator Ans van Dijk at her trial in 1947
Anna (Ans) van Dijk (Amsterdam, December 24, 1905 – Weesperkarspel, January 14, 1948) was a Dutch-Jewish collaborator who betrayed Jews to Nazi Germany during World War II. She was the only Dutch woman to be executed for her wartime activities.[1]
Biography
She was the daughter of Jewish parents, Aron van Dijk and Kaatje Bin. She married Bram Querido in 1927, and they separated in 1935.[2] After the marriage ended, she began a lesbian relationship with a woman named Miep Stodel, and opened a millinery shop called Maison Evany in Amsterdam. The shop was closed by the Nazis in 1941 as part of their seizure of Jewish property (Jews were forbidden to own businesses or work in retail shops). Stodel fled to Switzerland in 1942.[3]
Van Dijk was arrested on Easter Sunday 1943 by the Sicherheitsdienst (SD; the Nazi intelligence service) detective Peter Schaap of the Office of Jewish Affairs of the Amsterdam police. After promising to work for the SD, van Dijk was released. Pretending to be a member of the resistance, she offered to help Jews find hiding places and obtain false papers. In this way, she trapped at least 145 people (including her own brother and his family). Some 85 of her victims later died in concentration camps.[3] She may have been responsible for the deaths of as many as 700 people.[4]
After the war, she moved to The Hague, where she was arrested at a friend’s home on June 20, 1945, and charged with 23 counts of treason. On February 24, 1947, she was brought to the Special Court in Amsterdam. She confessed on all counts, explaining that she only acted out of self-preservation, and was sentenced to death. She appealed the conviction, but in September 1947 the Special Court of Appeals confirmed her punishment.[2] Her request for a royal pardon was also rejected.[3]
On 14 January 1948 she was executed by firing squad at Fort Bijlmer in the then municipality Weesperkarspel (now the Bijlmermeer municipality of Amsterdam). The night before her execution she was baptized and joined the Roman Catholic Church.[3]
See also
References
- Jump up^ Nietsch, Hetty (20 August 1994). „Geexecuteerd: Een Verraadster, Joods En Lesbisch” (in Dutch). De Verdieping Trouw Amsterdam. Retrieved 25 December 2014.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Visser, Anneke (17 September 1994). „Een leven vol verraad” (in Dutch). NRC Boeken. Retrieved 25 December 2014.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d Muller, Nick (14 January 2013). „De executie van de foute jodin” (in Dutch). HP / De Tijd. Retrieved 25 December 2014.
- Jump up^ „Het Amsterdam van Anne Frank: Verraadster Ans van Dijk ter dood veroordeeld”. Anne Frank Stichting (in Dutch). Retrieved 2 March 2015.
Further reading
- Groen, Koos (1994). Als slachtoffers daders worden. De zaak van joodse verraadster Ans van Dijk (in Dutch). Baarn: AMBO. ISBN 90-263-1328-4.
- Kok, René; Somers, Erik (1991). „52”. Documentaire Nederland en de Tweede Wereldoorlog (in Dutch). Zwolle: Waanders Uitg. ISBN 90-6630-952-0.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abraham_Gancwajch
Abraham Gancwajch (1902–1943) was a prominent Nazi collaborator in the Warsaw Ghetto during the occupation of Poland in World War II, and a Jewish „kingpin” of the ghetto underworld.[2] Opinions about Gancwajch’s activities in the ghetto are controversial, although modern research concludes unanimously that he was an informer and collaborator motivated chiefly by personal interest.[3][4]
Biography
Gancwajch was born in Częstochowa, Poland.[4][5] As a youth, he apprenticed as a journalist and editor in Łódź,[4]and eventually left Poland for Vienna, Austria, where he worked as reporter on the Jewish affairs for the Gerechtigkeit (Justice) periodical edited by Irena Harand. He was expelled from Vienna around 1936–1938 and returned to Poland,[4] having gained his reputation as a teacher and a Zionist journalist with an oratorical skill.[3]
After the German invasion of Poland, he surfaced in Warsaw as a refugee from Łódź, and as a person with connections to Sicherheitsdienst (SD).[4]
He first became a Nazi collaborator as a leader of the Hashomer Hatzair, delivering weekly intelligence reports to the Germans.[6] In December 1940 he founded the Group 13 network, a Jewish Nazicollaborationist organization in Warsaw Ghetto, described by Gutman and Ringelblum as the „Jewish Gestapo”.[3][4][7]
Gancwajch believed that the Germans would win the war and called on the Jews of Warsaw to serve them as the basic means of survival.[4][7] He preached collaboration with the German conquerors in a specially printed booklet which outraged the Ghetto residents.[3][4][8] He was also a proponent of the Nazi Madagascar Plan of creating an autonomous place of settlement for all Jews under the protection of the Third Reich in one of the overseas countries.[4]Adam Czerniaków, whom Gancwajch attempted to usurp as the head of the Judenrat[3][9] mentioned him in his diary as „a despicable, ugly creature”.[10]Janusz Korczak who ran an orphanage in the ghetto when asked why he was dealing with him replied „I will see the devil himself to save my children”.[2]
In the ghetto he lived a lavish life, collecting hefty sums from others by various means.[3] On the other hand, in order to support appearances he helped the poor and the artists; however all of his initiatives became corrupted — for example he set up a hospital with ambulances, but quickly the network became used primarily for smuggling by the Group 13, which also by the time became a racketeering network (officially it was supposed to combat the black market in the ghetto).[3]
After most of the Group 13 was eliminated by the Germans in 1942, Gancwajch reemerged outside the ghetto on the Aryan side in Warsaw,[3] where he and other members of his group, pretending to be Jewish underground fighters, were hunting for Poles hiding or otherwise supporting the Jews. He was also the leader of the infamous Żagiew, a Gestapo-sponsored Jewish organization.[11] He is also known to have tried to sabotage attempts at the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising.[3] The Jewish Combat Organization sentenced him to death but were never able to execute him. His further fate remains unknown to this day.[4] According some records, he was killed in the Pawiak prison in Warsaw during April 1942 along with his wife and son after being arrested in the Aryan part of the city.[7][12]
See also
- Chaim Rumkowski
- Collaboration with the Axis Powers during World War II
- List of people who disappeared mysteriously
References
- Jump up^ Antwerp Immigration record. „Abraham Gancwajch 1916–1930”. Birth Year: 1902. Częstochowa, Poland. File Number: 171785. Antwerpen, Belgium – via FamilySearch 2014.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Lawrence Baron (2005). Projecting the Holocaust into the Present: The Changing Focus of Contemporary Holocaust Cinema. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 83. ISBN 0-7425-4333-1 – via Google Print.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i Itamar Levin, Walls Around: The Plunder of Warsaw Jewry During World War II and Its Aftermath, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004, ISBN 0-275-97649-1, Google Print, pp. 94–98.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i j Warsaw Ghetto Database. at Warszawa.Getto.pl; Note 1, 3, 4, 11, 13. Gancwajch brother-in-law was Moshe Merin, see: Note 4 and Zimbio: The „13”; the Head of the Sosnowiec and Zaglebie Judenrats who also followed the same policy of „serving” the Germans. Merin was deported to Auschwitz.
- Jump up^ see for confirming report from Czestochowa
- Jump up^ W. D. Rubinstein, The Left, the Right, and the Jews, Universe Books, 1982, ISBN 0-87663-400-5, Google Print, p. 136.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c Richard L. Rubenstein, John K. Roth, Approaches to Auschwitz: The Holocaust and Its Legacy, Westminster John Knox Press, 2003, ISBN 0-664-22353-2, Google Print, p. 413.
- Jump up^ „All Are Equal.” Janusz Korczak biography at Korczak.com
- Jump up^ Yehuda Bauer, Jews for Sale?: Nazi-Jewish Negotiations, 1933–1945, Yale University Press, 1994, ISBN 0-300-06852-2, Google Print, p. 70.
- Jump up^ Hilberg, Raul (1999). The Warsaw Diary of Adam Czerniakow: Prelude to Doom. Ivan R. Dee. ISBN 1-56663-230-7.
- Jump up^ Tadeusz Piotrowski, Poland’s Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration with Occupying Forces and Genocide in the Second Republic, 1918–1947, McFarland 1998, ISBN 0-7864-0371-3, Google Print, p. 66.
- Jump up^ „The „13” www.HolocaustResearchProject.org”. http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org. Retrieved 2018-02-15.
External links
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stella_K%C3%BCbler
Stella Kübler-Isaacksohn (née Goldschlag, 10 July 1922 – 1994)[1][2] was a German Jewish woman who collaborated with the Gestapo during World War II, exposing and denouncing Berlin’s underground Jews.
Early life
She was born Stella Goldschlag and raised in Berlin as the only child in a middle-class, assimilated Jewish family.[3] After the 1933 seizure of power by the Nazis, she, like other Jewish children, was forbidden to go to a state school, so she attended the Goldschmidt School, set up by the local Jewish community. At school, she was known for her beauty and vivacity.[3]
The family fell on hard times when Jews were purged from positions of influence and her father lost his job with the newsreel company Gaumont. Her parents attempted to leave Germany after Kristallnacht in 1938 to escape the Nazi regime, but were unable to gain visas for other countries. Stella completed her education in 1938, training as a fashion designer at the School of Applied Art in Nurnbergerstrasse.[4]
Going underground and collaboration
In 1941, she married a Jewish musician, Manfred Kübler. They had met when both were working as Jewish forced-labourers in a war plant in Berlin.[3] In about 1942, when the large deportation programme of Berlin Jews into extermination camps began, she disappeared underground, using forged papers to pass as a non-Jew — owing to her blonde-haired, blue-eyed ‚Aryan’ appearance.[3]
In the spring of 1943, she and her parents were arrested by the Nazis. Stella Kübler was subjected to torture. In order to avoid deportation of herself and her parents, she agreed to become a „catcher” (German: Greiferin) for the Gestapo, hunting down Jews hiding as non-Jews (referred to as „U-Boats”).[3] She was promised a salary of 300 Reichsmark for each Jew that she betrayed. She proceeded to comb Berlin for such Jews and, as she was familiar with a large number of Jewish people from her years at her segregated Jewish school, Kübler was very successful at locating her former schoolmates and handing their information over to the Gestapo, while posing as a U-Boat herself. Some of Kübler’s efforts to apprehend Jews in hiding included promising them food and accommodation, meanwhile turning them over to the Nazi authorities; she also followed clues provided to her by the Gestapo.[5] The data concerning the number of her victims varies, depending on different sources of information, from between 600 and 3,000 Jews. Stella Kübler’s charisma and striking good looks were a great advantage in her pursuit of underground Jews. The Nazis called her „blonde poison”.[3] She is mentioned in The Forger, Cioma Schonhaus‚ 2004 account of living as an underground Jew in Berlin,[6] and also Berlin at War (Roger Moorhouse, 2010).
Despite her collaboration, the Nazis eventually broke their promise of sparing the lives of Stella Kübler’s parents. They were deported to the Theresienstadt concentration camp, where they were killed. Her husband, Manfred, was deported in 1943 to Auschwitz, along with his family. Nonetheless, she continued her work for the Gestapo until March 1945. During this time, she met and married her second husband, Rolf Isaaksohn, also a Jew and Nazi collaborator and fellow Greifer.[3]
Post-war
At the end of the war she went into hiding, but was found and arrested by the Soviets in October 1945 and sentenced to ten years’ camp detention. Afterwards she moved to West Berlin. There she was again tried and convicted, and sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment. However, she did not have to serve that sentence because of the time already served in the Soviet prison.
After the war, Kübler converted to Christianity and became an „open anti-semite” (self-hating Jew).[7]
In 1992, Peter Wyden, a Berlin schoolmate whose family had been able to get visas for the US in 1937 and who later learned about Stella’s role as a Catcher while he was working for the U.S. Army, wrote a biography of Kübler.
Personal life
Stella Kübler was married five times: Following the deportation of her first husband, Manfred Kübler, she married fellow Jewish collaborator and Greifer Rolf Isaaksohn on 29 October 1944. After the war, she was married to three non-Jews, starting with Friedheim Schellenberg. Her last husband died in 1984.
Kübler committed suicide in 1994 by throwing herself out the window of her apartment in Freiburg. Stella had one daughter, Yvonne, who was taken from her and who immigrated to Israel. (source: Peter Wyden’s 1992 biography of Stella which includes a photo of Yvonne.)
References
- Jump up^ „The Holocaust Chronicle article on Stella Kübler”. Retrieved 2008-05-19.
- Jump up^ „Nicht Alle Waren Moerder”. Retrieved 2014-01-01.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g Diana Tovar, Summary of Peter Wyden’s Stella University of California, Santa Barbara (Fall 2005). Retrieved July 29, 2011
- Jump up^ The Forger, Cioma Schonhaus, Granta Books, 2004, pp140-141
- Jump up^ Carsten Dams and Michael Stolle, The Gestapo: Power and Terror in the Third Reich (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), p. 71.
- Jump up^ The Forger, Cioma Schonhaus, Granta Books, 2004
- Jump up^ Abrahamson, Irving (3 January 1993). „She Saved Herself In The Holocaust By Betraying Others”. Chicago Tribune. Retrieved 2 January 2014.
- Dams, Carsten, and Michael Stolle. The Gestapo: Power and Terror in the Third Reich. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014.
- Gross, Leonard. The Last Jews in Berlin. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1982. ISBN0-671-24727-1.
- Wyden, Peter. Stella: One Woman’s True Tale of Evil, Betrayal, and Survival in Hitler’s Germany. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992. Anchor Books, 1993. ISBN978-0385471794
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moshe_Merin
Jewish Council in the Sosnowiec Ghetto, Merin sitting fifth from right, middle row
Moshe (Mosheh) Merin[2] (also Moniek Merin and Moszek or Mojżesz Israel Merin in Polish;[3] 1905 – June 1943) was the head of the Jewish Community Council, or Judenrat, in the Sosnowiec Ghetto during the Nazi German occupation of Poland in World War II. It is believed that he perished in the Auschwitz concentration camp.[1] As with most Jewish Council leadership of the time, his actions or lack thereof during the Holocaust in occupied Poland are highly controversial.
Life
Moniek Merin was born in Sosnowiec (Sosnovitz) in the Prussian Partition, at the border with Austria-Hungary. He was married twice and divorced.[1] His teenage daughter from the marriage to Marysia (Mania) Gancwajch, Halinka Merin, survived the Holocaust according to USHMM records,[4]saved by a Polish farmer, name unknown.[5] Merin made his living by trading goods before the Nazi-Soviet invasion of Poland. He was described by others as an unstable and impulsive man.[6]
World War II
After the German takeover of Sosnowiec on September 4, 1939, Merin presented himself to the Nazis as head of the Sosnowiec Community Council,[2] when the former president (from before the invasion of Poland), Lejzerowicz, remained silent in a meeting with the German officers. Merin reported from behind the last row of community members subjected to a 24-hour detention in a public bath.[7] It remains unclear whether or not he was on the pre-war council; his advance rested on the fact that he could speak the German language.[8] Such was the beginning of his career as chairman of the Judenrat in the Sosnowiec Ghetto and the adjacent Będzin Ghetto forming a single administrative unit.[9]
Consolidation of power
In January 1940, Merin was installed by the Nazis as leader of the Central Office of the Jewish Council of Elders in East Upper Silesia (German: Zentrale der Jüdische Ältestenräte Ostoberschlesien),[10] responsible for some 45 Jewish communities of approximately 100,000 Polish Jews. Within a year, he controlled dozens of Judenräte.[2] Merin is noted to have been very harsh in his dealings with the Jewish groups opposing occupation including Hanoar Hazioni, Hashomer Hatzair, Gordonia, Poalei Zion, and Hitachdut. Merin aided the Nazis in the hunt for the leaders of the aforementioned groups, going so far as to place a request for their arrest and signing their execution orders himself.[11] He did this with full cooperation of the Jewish Police Force, whose leader fervently defended Merin’s every decision.[12]
Merin’s approach was similar to that of Chaim Rumkowski‚s, Judenälteste of the Łódź Ghetto, in that he was convinced that by tying the Jews in his ghettos to forced labor, some would survive the war. However, Merin engaged in extortions going far beyond what other ghetto leaders would ever attempt. On one occasion, Merin requested 15,000 zloty of ransom for each of the 100 prisoners he promised to free from the deadly slave labour. The amount was three-hundred-times higher than the highest similar ransom collected in the Lublin Ghetto. None of the Jews were released, and the money was never refunded.[13] Like Rumkowski, Merin attempted to make justifications for the 25,000 Jews he helped to deport by claiming that their sacrifice enabled the survival of those who remained as he stated: „If I have lost only 25 percent when I could have lost all, who can wish better results?” It is because of his insistence on fulfilling every German request that Merin has been depicted as a Nazi collaborator.[14]
Merin reconfigured the leadership of his councils by expelling those who opposed his methods, and by appointing Jews loyal only to him, including his brother-in-law and a notorious criminal, Abraham Gancwajch,[15] to carry out further Nazi orders in Sosnowiec and its surrounding area.[16] In spite of his full cooperation with the Nazis, Merin was sent to Auschwitz-Birkenau in June 1943, one month before the last Holocaust transport left the Sosnowiec Ghetto.[17]
Notes
- ^ Jump up to:a b c Yad Vashem, Moniek (Moshe) Merin, The Central Database of Shoah Victims’ Names. Automatic translation from Hebrew. Item ID: 3968401. Submitted by Sara Khana Unger Kleiner.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c Avihu Ronen (2010). „Merin, Mosheh”. Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe. Translated by David Louvish. YIVO Institute for Jewish Research. Retrieved March 27, 2016.
- Jump up^ JewishGen, Merin’s letter to Alfred Szwarcbaum in Switzerland, in which he asks not to contact people other than himself. Pinkas Bendin.
- Jump up^ USHMM (2003), Halinka Merin (daughter of Zaglebie Council chairman Moniek Merin), 1946. Jewish DPs in 1945. Bayreuth, Bavaria.
- Jump up^ USHMM (2015), Mania Ganzweich in Auschwitz. On January 18, 1945, Mania and her daughter Halina were sent on a forced march to Ravensbruck, Malchow, and Taucha. Both survived, and emigrated to the United States in 1947.
- Jump up^ Moshe Merin at Yad Vashem (in Hebrew) PDF.
- Jump up^ Trunk, Isaiah (1972). Judenrat: the Jewish Councils in Eastern Europe under Nazi Occupation. New York: Macmillan, p. 26. ISBN 080329428X.
- Jump up^ Trunk, Isaiah (1972). Judenrat. Macmillan, 353; citing G.Z., No. 47 (Dec. 31, 1940); No. 1 (Jan. 3, 1941); Paweł Wiederman, op.cit., p. 208.
- Jump up^ Dawid Fischer. „The Ghetto of Sosnowiec (Srodula)”. Holocaust Testimonies. PolishJews.org. Retrieved 31 March 2016.
- Jump up^ Trunk, Isaiah (1972). Judenrat. Macmillan, 26; citing Ph. Friedman, op. cit., Bitzaron, No. 5, p. 30; Paweł Wiederman, op. cit., pp. 45-47.
- Jump up^ Trunk, Isaiah (1972). Judenrat. Macmillan, 459; citing Pinkos Bendin, pp. 355-357 (facsimile of Merin’s letter to Bezdin Council); Fredke Mazia, Rayim besaar (Jerusalem, 1964), pp. 112-114.
- Jump up^ Trunk, Isaiah (1972). Judenrat. Macmillan, 582-583.
- Jump up^ Trunk, Isaiah (1972). Judenrat. Macmillan, 243.
- Jump up^ Trunk, Isaiah (1972). Judenrat. Macmillan, 422-425; citing Wiederman, op. cit., p. 25 and passim; according to Wiederman, Merin tried to justify his strategy at a meeting with Rumkowski and Czernikow, held in Warsaw on an unknown date (ibid., pp. 89-90); there is no record left of the meeting.
- Jump up^ Hilberg, Raul (1999). The Warsaw Diary of Adam Czerniakow: Prelude to Doom. Ivan R. Dee. ISBN 1-56663-230-7.
- Jump up^ Trunk, Isaiah (1972). Judenrat. Macmillan, 36; citing Sefer Khzhanev, pp. 255-256, 283-285.
- Jump up^ Yad Vashem. „Merin, Moshe (1906-1943), Chairman of the Judenratin Eastern Upper Silesia” (PDF). Shoah Resource Center. The International School for Holocaust Studies.
References
- Konrad Charmatz (2003), Nightmares: memoirs of the years of horror under Nazi rule in Europe, 1939-1945. Syracuse University Press; ISBN0-8156-0706-7, via Google Books.
- Israel Gutman (1990), Encyclopedia of the Holocaust. Macmillan, ISBN0028960904
- Jarosław Sobaszek, Łukasz Podlejski (2005), Żydzi w Sosnowcu-historia niepełna., Wydawnictwo Adore, Dąbrowa Górnicza, OCLC76259287
- Natan E. Sternfinkiel (1946), Zagłada Żydów Sosnowca, Katowice, OCLC769381
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alfred_Nossig
Alfred Nossig (1864–1943) was a Jewish sculptor, musician, writer, and public activist.[1]
Early life
Alfred Nossig was born in 1864 to a wealthy family in Lemberg (now called Lviv), which was then part of the Austrian Empire but is now in Ukraine.[1][2] Nossig’s father exposed him to German culture and was an activist for Jewish rights in Galicia, serving as secretary of the Jewish community there.[1]
In the early 1880s, Polish romanticism inspired Nossig to formulate ideas about liberating Jewish culture from the constraints of tradition, causing him to express these ideas in the periodical Ojczyzna (The Fatherland) and in an organization (which he himself founded) called Przymierze Braci (Union of Brothers).[1] He was a pioneer in the field of Jewish demography during his time as a student at Lemberg University, winning a prize in 1884 from the university senate for his essay „O ludności” (On Population).[1] During this time, Nossig also wrote theater reviews for Polish and Jewish newspapers, and in 1888, he published his first collection of poems, Poezje, which won a competition in Warsaw.[1] In 1887, Nossig published the first Zionist work in the Polish language; it was titled „An Attempt to Solve the Jewish Problem” (Próba rozwiązania kwestji źydowskiej), and in it, he argued that there is no future for the Jews in the Diaspora and that thus, Jews must establish their own independent state in Palestine and adjacent countries.[1][2] After his studies in Lemberg, Nossig pursued a doctorate in Zurich, Switzerland, concentrating on Spinoza.[1]
Nossig was a participant in the first World Zionist Congresses but soon ran into conflict with Theodore Herzl due to Nossig’s individualistic character.[2]Nevertheless, Nossig continued to advocate in favor of Zionism and Jewish emigration for the rest of his life.[1][2] In 1920, he was invited by the Polish government to mediate and create trust between it and Polish Jewish leaders; however, Nossig was unsuccessful in this task.[1]
Career
Rather than focusing on Polish themes, Nossig focused on Jewish heroism and romantic myth in his carvings, including carvings of famous Jewish heroic figures such as King David and Judah Maccabee.[1] Nossig’s most famous sculptures were called Wandering Jew, Judas Maccabaeus, Nordau, and King Solomon. His interest in art took him to the Academy of Art in Vienna in 1892, to Paris in 1894, and to Berlin in 1900, where he lived until 1933, when the Nazis came to power in Germany and expelled him to Poland.[1][2]
Final years
After the Nazi German invasion of Poland in 1939, the Jews of Warsaw, including Nossig, were forced to move to the Warsaw Ghetto, where Nossig reportedly collaborated with the Abwehr and Gestapo, drawing up plans for Jewish emigration and submitting memoranda to the German authorities. Nossig was accused of providing regular reports to the Nazis during the deportation of Jewish residents to Nazi extermination camps, and an underground resistance group, the Jewish Combat Organization, sentenced him to death; he was executed on 22 February 1943.[1][2][3][4][5] At the time, he was almost eighty years old.[1][2]
References
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Bauer, Ela (2010). „Nossig, Alfred”. The YIVO Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe. Retrieved 2014-08-23.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g Kressel, Getzel (2008). „Nossig, Alfred”. Jewish Virtual Library. Retrieved 2014-08-23.
- Jump up^ Engelking, Barbara; Leociak, Jacek (2009). The Warsaw Ghetto: A Guide to the Perished City. Yale University Press. p. 828.
- Jump up^ „Alfred Nossig”. Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team. Retrieved 2014-08-23.
- Jump up^ Ackerfeld, Lance (19 August 2006). „Alfred Nossig”. JewishGen. Retrieved 2014-08-23.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Calel_Perechodnik
Calel Perechodnik as a student
Calel (Calek) Perechodnik (Polish: [‚Tsaˈlɛl Pɛˈrɛxɔdnik]; 8 September 1916 – October 1944) was a Polish Jew who joined the Jewish Ghetto Police in the Otwock Ghetto during the Nazi Germanoccupation of Poland. His wartime diaries were published posthumously as Am I a Murderer? (Polish: Czy ja jestem mordercą?) in 1995 by the Karta Centre of Warsaw.
Biography
Pre-war life
A secular Jew, Perechodnik was born in 1916 to an Orthodox Jewish family in Otwock, south east of Warsaw. He earned a degree in agronomy at the Warsaw University of Life Sciences and a master’s degree at a university in Toulouse, France. Perechodnik’s wife Anka (Chana) née Nusfeld was also from Otwock; she ran a cinema named Oasis with her two brothers. Calek and Anka’s only daughter Alinka (Athalie), was born on 19 August 1940, a year after the German invasion of Poland.[1]
Jewish Ghetto Police
In 1940, Perechodnik and his family, along with the 8,000 other Jews of Otwock, were forced to relocate to the Otwock Ghetto. To provide for himself, his wife, and their daughter, in February 1941 Perechodnik joined the Jewish Ghetto Police organized by the Judenrat on German orders.[1]
In early 1942, the German authorities began the Ghetto liquidation action. The Jewish police were ordered to assist in the rounding up of Jews who were taken to the station and loaded onto freight trains heading for the Treblinka extermination camp. Assured by the commandant of the Ghetto Police that his family would be protected, on 19 September 1942, Perechodnik brought his own wife and daughter to the ghetto’s main square. But he was betrayed: Anka and Alinka were among the 8,000 Otwock Jews sent to their deaths at Treblinka. Subsequently, he was sent to a labour camp. Perechodnik constantly blamed himself for the death of his wife and daughter. Prior to their shipping to Treblinka, Anka asked Calek on several occasions to obtain a false kennkarte for her, identifying her as an ethnic Pole since she did not have the typical Jewish looks. Calel later wrote that she could easily pass for a Pole if she dyed her hair. Perechodnik failed to obtain the kennkarte for his wife in time, partly due to his laziness and partly due to his „lack of trust in such things”.
In hiding
On 20 August 1942, Calel Perechodnik escaped to Warsaw. His father, Aryan in appearance, remained at large to support the family until he was captured by the Gestapo and executed. Calel spent 105 days in hiding with his mother and other Jews in the apartment of a Polish woman risking her own life to save them. While in hiding, he spent the time writing. The last entry in his memoir concerns his last will and is dated 23 October 1943. He then joined the Polish Underground; it was during this time that he contracted typhus.[1]
On 1 August 1944, the Warsaw Uprising began as part of a nationwide Operation Tempest. Perechodnik participated in the uprising as part of the Chrobry II Battalion.[2] There are several theories as to how he died. One states that he committed suicide by swallowing cyanide after the Uprising failed. Another claims that he was killed by pillagers after the uprising. Another account (stated in the letter of Henryk Romanowski to his brother Pesach Perechodnik, following the memoirs in the book) claims he was burned alive in the bunker, unable to get out because of the typhus. He was aged 27.
Am I a Murderer?
Clandestine photo showing layover yard in Otwock on 19 September 1942. In the distance, Jews sit on the ground overnight, while awaiting transport to Treblinka extermination camp.
Perechodnik wrote his memoir between 7 May and 19 August 1943 in Warsaw, during his stay at the home of his Polish rescuer.[1] When describing the German occupation of Poland he attempts to explain his own actions which were inspired by fear, but also, blames the Jews for claiming to have been a chosen people, thus encouraging anti-Semitism among the gentile population. He expresses his outrage at the refusal by some Orthodox Jews to send their children to Polish orphanages which would have saved them from the Holocaust.[1] Perechodnik expressed his anguish and astonishment at the savagery of war.[1] It was, he wrote, ‚he greatest disillusionment that I have endured in my life.’
The Jewish Ghetto Police which he joined, was not a benevolent force by any means. Emanuel Ringelblum referred to it as ‚the direct instrument of extermination’.[3] One of the first clandestine operations of the Jewish Combat Organization (ŻOB) in Warsaw, was to assassinate its commanders.[4] Perechodnik’s account therefore, needs to be seen in its proper perspective. His memoir describes such events as his and his father’s compliance with the Polish radio broadcast command to go eastward to fight in 1939, the formation of the Judenrat in Otwock, Himmler’s visit to Warsaw, the death of Czerniakow, the rounding up of Jews in the ghettos; life in, and escape from, a work camp; the experience of being hidden in Warsaw, the beginning of understanding of what was happening in the death camps, the 1943 Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, and the 1944 Warsaw Uprising. His information is now considered by various researchers and experts on the Holocaust to be remarkably accurate, and according to these researchers, the notes show proof that the Jews at that time knew what was happening.
Shortly before Perechodnik died in 1944, he entrusted his manuscript to a Polish friend. After the war ended, the memoir was given to Perechodnik’s brother, Pesach Perechodnik, who had survived the war in the Soviet Union. The original copy of the memoir was presented to the Yad Vashem Archives, and a copy was given to the Central Jewish Historical Commission in Poland, which today is the Jewish Historical Institute. This document was first published as a complete book in 1995 by the Karta Centre of Warsaw.[1] It remained virtually unknown in English-speaking countries until Frank Fox’s translation in 1996. It was released in Polish and Hebrew prior to its translation into English in 1996. Since then, it has been translated into many languages.
Its original title was A History of a Jewish Family During German Occupation, but its title was later changed to Am I a Murderer?: Testament of a Jewish Ghetto Policeman. It was recently republished in Poland in an unabridged version, with comprehensive sidenotes and references, under the title Spowiedź (Confession).
In his final years, Perechodnik completely changed his attitude towards the Jews and the Jewish faith and traditions. In his memoir, he rejected belief in God and the religious traditions of his Orthodox Jewish family. He became very bitter toward the Jews and frequently criticised them, even blaming them for bringing these events on themselves because of their insistence on cultural and religious isolation. He was sarcastic about others, as well as self-deprecating about his own Jewishness.
References
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g Sebastian Chosiński, „Przez siedem kręgów Piekła.” Review of Calel Perechodnik Czy ja jestem mordercą? Magazyn Esensja, nr 7 (XXXIX) September 2004 issue. (in Polish) Retrieved 9 October 2011.
- Jump up^ Barbara Engelking, Dariusz Libionka, Żydzi w Powstanczej Warszawie (Jews in the Warsaw Uprising), Polish Center for Holocaust Research Association, 2009, pgs 184–190
- Jump up^ Emanuel Ringelblum, Joseph Kermish, Shmuel Krakowski, Polish-Jewish Relations During the Second World War. Page 62. Northwestern University Press, 1992. ISBN 0-8101-0963-8. Retrieved 9 October 2011.
- Jump up^ Israel Gutman, Resistance: The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising. Page 169. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 1998. ISBN 0-395-90130-8. Retrieved 9 October 2011.
Further reading
- Calel Perechodnik, Czy ja jestem mordercą?. Ed. Paweł Szapiro. Żydowski Instytut Historyczny – Instytut Naukowo-Badawczy: KARTA, Warsaw, 1995.
External links
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chaim_Rumkowski
Hans Biebow (right) and Chaim Rumkowski in the Łódź Ghetto.
Chaim Mordechai Rumkowski (February 27, 1877 – August 28, 1944) was a Polish Jew and wartime businessman appointed by Nazi Germany as the head of the Council of Elders in the Łódź Ghetto during the occupation of Poland in World War II.[1] He accrued exponentially more power by transforming the Ghetto into an industrial base manufacturing war supplies for the Wehrmacht army in the mistaken belief that productivity was the key to Jewish survival beyond the Holocaust. The Germans liquidated the ghetto in 1944. All remaining prisoners were sent to death camps in the wake of military defeats on the Eastern Front of World War II.[1]
Rumkowski is remembered for his speech Give Me Your Children, delivered at a time when the Germans demanded his compliance with the deportation of 20,000 children to Chełmno extermination camp. In August 1944, Rumkowski and his family joined the last transport to Auschwitz,[2] and were murdered there on August 28, 1944 by Jewish Sonderkommando inmates who beat him to death as revenge for his role in the Holocaust. This account of his final moments is confirmed by witness testimonies of the Frankfurt Auschwitz trials.[3][4]
Background
Before the German invasion of Poland, Mordechaj (in Polish) Rumkowski was an insurance agent in Łódź; member of Qahal, and in 1925–1939 head of a Jewish orphanage at Krajowa 15 Street. It has been said that his work at the orphanage was self-serving rather than charitable; according to Dr. Edward Reicher, a Holocaust survivor from Łódź, he had an unhealthy interest in children.[5] Łódź was annexed by the invading Germans into the Reich. It became part of the territory of new Reichsgaue separate from the Generalgouvernement in the rest of occupied Poland. Smaller Jewish communities were dissolved and forcibly relocated to metropolitan ghettos. The occupation authority ordered the creation of the new Jewish Councils known as the Judenräte which acted as bridges between the Nazis and the prisoner population of the ghettos. In addition to managing basic services such as communal kitchens, infirmaries, post offices and vocational schools, common tasks of the Judenräte included providing the Nazi regime with slave labor, and rounding up quotas of Jews for „resettlement in the East,” a euphemism for deportations to extermination camps in the deadliest phase of the Holocaust.[6]
On October 13, 1939, the Nazi Amtsleiter in Łódź appointed Rumkowski the Judenälteste („Chief Elder of the Jews”), head of the Ältestenrat („Council of Elders”). In this position, Rumkowski reported directly to the Nazi ghetto administration, headed by Hans Biebow.[7] When the rabbinate was dissolved, Rumkowski performed weddings. The ghetto’s money or scrip, the so-called Rumki (sometimes Chaimki), was derived from his name, as it had been his idea.[6] His face was put on the ghetto postage stamps.[1]
By industrializing the Łódź ghetto, he hoped to make the community indispensable to the Germans and save the people of Łódź. On April 5, 1940, Rumkowski petitioned the Germans for materials for the Jews to in exchange for desperately needed food and money. By the end of the month, the Germans had acquiesced in part, agreeing to provide food, but not money.[8] Although Rumkowski and other „Jewish elders” of the Nazi era came to be regarded as collaborators and traitors, historians have reassessed this judgement since the late 20th century in light of the terrible conditions of the time. A survivor of the Łódź ghetto, Arnold Mostowicz, noted in his memoir that Rumkowski gave a percentage of his people a chance to survive two years longer than the Jews of the Warsaw Ghetto, destroyed in the Uprising.[9] However, as noted by Lucjan Dobroszycki, the ultimate decision on the future was not his to make.[10]
Ghetto history prior to the „Final Solution”
The ghettoization of Łódź was decided on September 8, 1939, by an order of SS-Oberführer Friedrich Uebelhoer. His top secret document stated that the ghetto was only a temporary solution to „the Jewish question” in the city of Łódź. Uebelhoer never implied the long-term survival.[11] The ghetto was sealed on April 30, 1940, with 164,000 people inside.[12] On October 16, 1939, Rumkowski selected 31 public figures to form the Council. However, less than three weeks later, on November 11, twenty of them were executed and the rest disappeared, because he denounced them to the German authorities „for refusing to rubber-stamp his policies.” Although a new Judenrat was officially appointed a few weeks later, the men were not as distinguished, and remained far less effective than its original leaders. This change conceded more power to Rumkowski, and left no one to contest or restrain his decisions. Rumkowski had the Jewish Ghetto Police under his control also.[13]
The Germans authorized Rumkowski as the „sole figure authority in managing and organizing internal life in the ghetto„.[14] Rumkowski gained power because of his domineering personality in as much as his words and actions.[14] Biebow, at first, gave Rumkowski full power in organizing the ghetto, as long as it did not interfere with his main objectives: absolute order, confiscation of Jewish property and assets, coerced labor, and Biebow’s own personal gain.[15] Their relationship seemed to work effectively. Rumkowski had leeway to organize the ghetto according to his wishes, while Biebow sat back and reaped the rewards.[15]In trying to keep Biebow happy, Rumkowski obeyed every order with little inquiry, and provided him with gifts and personal favors. Of his willingness to cooperate with the German authorities, Rumkowski is said to have boasted in a speech, „My motto is always to be at least ten minutes ahead of every German demand.”[16] He believed that by staying ahead of German thinking, he could keep them satisfied and preserve the Jews. Łódź was the last ghetto in Eastern Europe to be liquidated.[17] However, only 877 inhabitants survived in the city until liberation by hiding with the Polish rescuers, and Rumkowski had nothing to do with it.[18]
Administration
Chaim Rumkowski in the Łódź Ghetto tasting soup.
Because of the confiscation of cash and other belongings, Rumkowski proposed a currency to be used specifically in the ghetto – the ersatz. This new currency would be used as money, and by this alone, a person could buy food rations and other necessities.[19] This proposal was considered arrogant and illustrated Rumkowski’s lust for power. The currency was, therefore, nicknamed by ghetto inhabitants as the „Rumkin”.[20] It dissuaded smugglers from endangering their lives to get in and out of the ghetto with goods, as people could not pay for them with regular currency. Rumkowski believed that smuggling of food would „destabilize the ghetto with regard to the prices of basic commodities” and prevented it from taking place.[20]
Rumkowski did not allow public protests expressing dissent. With the help of the Jewish police, he violently broke up demonstrations. On occasion, he would request the Nazis to come and break up the commotion, which usually resulted in protesters being killed. The leaders of these groups were punished by not being allowed to earn a living, which in effect meant that they and their families were doomed to starvation. Sometimes the strikers and demonstrators were arrested, imprisoned, or shipped off to labor camps.[21] By the spring of 1941, almost all opposition to Rumkowski had dissipated. In the beginning, the Germans were unclear of their own plans for the ghetto, as arrangements for the „Final Solution” were still being developed. They realized that the original plan of liquidating the ghetto by October 1940 could not take place, so they began to take Rumkowski’s labor agenda seriously.[22] Forced labor became a staple of ghetto life, with Rumkowski running the effort. „In another three years – he said – the ghetto will be working like a clock.”[23] This sort of „optimism” however, was met with a damning assessment by Max Horn from Ostindustrie, who said that the ghetto was badly managed, not profitable, and had the wrong products.[24]
Deportations
By the end of January 1942 some 10,000 Jews were sent aboard Holocaust trains to Chełmno based on selections made by the Judenrat.[25] Additional 34,000 victims were sent there by 2 April, with 11,000 more by 15 May 1942, and over 15,000 more by mid September, for the total of an estimated 55,000 people. The children and the elderly as well as anyone deemed „unfit for work” in the eyes of the Judenrat would follow them.[25]
Rumkowski actively cooperated with the German demands hoping to save the majority of the ghetto inmates. Such behaviour set him at odds with the Orthodox observant Jews, because there could be no justification for delivering anyone to certain death. Following the creation of the extermination camp at Chełmno in 1941, the Nazis ordered Rumkowski to organize several waves of deportations. Rumkowski claimed that he tried to convince the Germans to reduce the number of Jews required for deportation and failed.[26]
Give Me Your Children
On German orders Rumkowski delivered a speech on September 4, 1942 pleading with the Jews in the ghetto to give up children 10 years of age and younger, as well as the elderly over 65, so that others might survive. „Horrible, terrifying wailing among the assembled crowd” could be heard, reads the transcriber’s note to his parlance often referred to as: „Give Me Your Children”.[26] Some commentators see this speech as exemplifying aspects of the Holocaust.[27]
A grievous blow has struck the ghetto. They [the Germans] are asking us to give up the best we possess – the children and the elderly. I was unworthy of having a child of my own, so I gave the best years of my life to children. I’ve lived and breathed with children. I never imagined I would be forced to deliver this sacrifice to the altar with my own hands. In my old age, I must stretch out my hands and beg: Brothers and sisters! Hand them over to me! Fathers and mothers: Give me your children!
— Chaim Rumkowski, September 4, 1942 [27]
Personality
Chaim Rumkowski delivering a speech in the ghetto, 1941–42
Rumkowski was ruthless, using his position as head of the Judenrat to confiscate property and businesses that were still being run by their rightful Jewish owners in the ghetto. He established numerous departments and institutions that dealt with all of the ghetto’s internal affairs, from housing tens of thousands of people, to distributing food rations.[28] Welfare and health systems were also set up. For a time, his administration maintained seven hospitals, seven pharmacies, and five clinics employing hundreds of doctors and nurses. Despite their effort, many people could not be helped due to the shortage of medical supplies allowed in by the Germans.
Rumkowski helped maintain school facilities. Forty-seven schools remained in operation schooling 63% of school-age children. There was no education in any other ghetto as advanced as in Łódź.[29] He helped set up a „Culture House” where cultural gatherings including plays, orchestra and other performances could take place. He was very involved in the particulars of these events, including hiring and firing performers and editing the content of the shows.[30] He became integrated in religious life. This integration deeply bothered the religious public. For example, since the Germans disbanded the rabbinate in September 1942, Rumkowski began conducting wedding ceremonies, and altering the marriage contract (ketubah).[31] „He treated the ghetto Jews like personal belongings. He spoke to them arrogantly and rudely and sometime beat them”.[32]
Due to Rumkowski’s harsh treatment, and stern, arrogant personality, the Jews began to blame him for their predicament, and unleashed their frustration on him instead of the Germans, who were beyond their scope of blame.[33] The most significant display of this frustration and resistance was a series of strikes and demonstrations between August 1940 and spring of 1941. Led by activists and leftist parties against Rumkowski, the workers abandoned their stations and went to the streets handing out fliers:
Brothers and sisters! Turn out en masse to wipe out at long last, with joint and unified force, the terrible poverty and the barbaric behaviour of the Kehilla representatives toward the wretched, exhausted, starved public… The slogan: bread for all!! Let’s join forces in war against the accursed Kehilla parasite… – Demonstration Leaflet[34]
Death at the hands of the Sonderkommando
There are conflicting accounts regarding Rumkowski’s final moments. According to one contemporary source he was murdered upon his arrival at Auschwitz by the Jews of Łódź who preceded him there.[3] This version of events however has been challenged by historians. Another report, submitted by the Sonderkommando member from Hungary, Dov Paisikovic (de),[3] informs that the Jews of Łódź approached the Sonderkommando Jews in secrecy, and asked them to kill Rumkowski for the crimes he himself committed in the Łódź Ghetto; so they beat him to death at the gate of the Crematorium No. 2 and disposed of his corpse.[3]
Debate over Rumkowski’s role in the Holocaust
Token money in the ghetto with Rumkowski’s signature
In his memoirs, Yehuda Leib Gerst described Rumkowski as a complex person: „This man had sickly leanings that clashed. Toward his fellow Jews, he was an incomparable tyrant who behaved just like a Führer and cast deathly terror to anyone who dared to oppose his lowly ways. Toward the perpetrators, however, he was as tender as a lamb and there was no limit to his base submission to all their demands, even if their purpose was to wipe us out totally. Either way, he did not properly understand his situation and positing and their limits.”[3]
Historian Michael Unger in his Reassessment of the Image of Mordechai Chaim Rumkowski (2004) explored the materials leading to what is being said about him. Rumkowski is described „on the one hand, an aggressive, domineering person, thirsty for honor and power, raucous, vulgar and ignorant, impatient (and) intolerant, impulsive and lustful. On the other hand, he is portrayed as a man of exceptional organizational prowess, quick, very energetic, and true to tasks that he set for himself.”[35] Research performed by Isaiah Trunk for the book Judenrat attempted to revise the prevailing view of Rumkowski as traitor and collaborationist.[36]
Rumkowski took an active role in the deportations of Jews. Some historians and writers describe him as a traitor and as a Nazi collaborator. Rumkowski aimed at fulfilling the Nazi demands with the help of their own Orpo Security Police if necessary.[37] His rule, unlike the leaders of other ghettos, was marked with abuse of his own people coupled with physical liquidation of political opponents. He and his council had a comfortable food ration, and their own special shops. He was known to get rid of those he personally disliked by sending them to the camps. Additionally, he sexually abused vulnerable girls under his charge.[38][39] Failure to succumb to his abuse meant death to the girl. Holocaust survivor Lucille Eichengreen who claims to have been abused by him for months as a young woman working in his office wrote: „I felt disgusted and I felt angry, I ah, but if I would have run away he would have had me deported, I mean that was very clear.”[39]
Primo Levi, an Auschwitz survivor, in his book The Drowned and the Saved, gives considerable consideration to Rumkowski, concluding: „Had he survived his own tragedy…no tribunal would have absolved him, nor, certainly, can we absolve him on the moral plane. But there are extenuating circumstances: an infernal order such as National Socialism exercises a frightful power of corruption against which it is difficult to guard oneself. To resist it requires a truly solid moral armature, and the one available to Chaim Rumkowski…was fragile.” At best, Levi viewed Rumkowski as morally ambiguous and self deluded. Hannah Arendt, in her book Eichmann in Jerusalem, placed Rumkowski’s egotism at the low end of the spectrum of wartime ghetto leadership examples.[40]
See also
- The Story of Chaim Rumkowski and the Jews of Lodz – a 1982 documentary
- Adam Czerniaków, head of Judenrat in the Warsaw Ghetto
Notes
- ^ Jump up to:a b c Carmello Lisciotto (H.E.A.R.T 2007), „Chaim Rumkowski”. Holocaust Research Project, 2007. Retrieved: 01.10.2011.
- Jump up^ Dombrowska, Danuta (2007). „Chaim Mordechai Rumkowski”. In Berenbaum, Michael; Skolnik, Fred. Encyclopaedia Judaica (2nd ed.). Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA. fee, via Fairfax County Public Library. Retrieved 2011-11-21.Gale Biography In Context
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e Unger, Michael (2004). Reassessment of the Image of Mordechai Chaim Rumkowski. Jerusalem: Keterpress Enterprises. 8, 57 (note 127). ISBN 3835302930. For the Dov Paisikovic testimony (de) on gas chambers see transcripts from the Frankfurt Auschwitz trials of 1965.
- Jump up^ Helen Aronson (21 November 2011). Nazi Collaborators: Hitler’s Inside Man(Television production). Military Channel. Event occurs at 58:29. © MMX, World Media Rights Limited
- Jump up^ Dr. Edward Reicher (2013). Country of Ash: A Jewish Doctor in Poland, 1939–1945. Translated by Magda Bogin. pp. 47–48. ISBN 1934137456 – via Amazon Kindle.
- ^ Jump up to:a b S.J. (H.E.A.R.T 2007), „The Lodz Ghetto”. Holocaust Research Project, 2010. Retrieved: 01.10.2011.
- Jump up^ „Rumkowski, Mordechai Chaim”. Yad Vashem School for Holocaust Studies. Retrieved: 01.10.2011.
- Jump up^ „The Lodz Ghetto”. Jewish Virtual Library.
- Jump up^ Unger 2004, Reassessment, p. 11.
- Jump up^ Dobroszycki 1984, The Chronicle of the Lodz Ghetto, page 61.
- Jump up^ Documents, p. 194
- Jump up^ Unger 2004, Reassessment, p. 22.
- Jump up^ Unger 2004, Reassessment, p. 19.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Unger 2004, Reassessment, p. 22.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Unger 2004, Reassessment, p. 23.
- Jump up^ Hilma Wolitzer (September–October 2011). „The Final Fantasy”. Moment Magazine. Archived from the original on October 11, 2011. Retrieved October 3, 2011.
- Jump up^ Trunk, Isaiah (1972). Judenrat: the Jewish councils in Eastern Europe under Nazi occupation. New York: Macmillan. p. 413. ISBN 9780803294288.
- Jump up^ Anna Poray (2007). „Saving Jews: Polish Righteous”. Those Who Risked Their Lives. Archived from the original on 6 February 2008. Retrieved 27 March 2015.
- Jump up^ Unger 2004, Reassessment, p. 27.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Unger 2004, Reassessment, p. 28.
- Jump up^ Unger 2004, Reassessment, pp. 34-35.
- Jump up^ Unger 2004, Reassessment, p. 36.
- Jump up^ Unger 2004, Reassessment, p. 38.
- Jump up^ Lucjan Dobroszycki (1984), The Chronicle of the Lodz Ghetto, page lxi. Google Books.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Shirley Rotbein Flaum (2007). „Lodz Ghetto Deportations and Statistics”. Timeline. JewishGen Home Page. Retrieved 26 March 2015.
Source:Encyclopedia of the Holocaust (1990), Baranowski, Dobroszycki, Wiesenthal, Yad Vashem Timeline of the Holocaust, others.
- ^ Jump up to:a b „Transcript for „Give Me Your Children””. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, Washington, D.C., 6.01.2011. Retrieved: 1.10.2011.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Simone Schweber, Debbie Findling (2007). Teaching the Holocaust(Google Book, preview). Ghettoization. Torah Aura Productions. p. 107. ISBN 1891662910. Retrieved 24 March 2015.
- Jump up^ Unger 2004, Reassessment, p. 30.
- Jump up^ Unger 2004, Reassessment, pp. 30-31.
- Jump up^ Unger 2004, Reassessment, pp. 31-32.
- Jump up^ Unger 2004, Reassessment, p. 32.
- Jump up^ Unger 2004, Reassessment, p. 33.
- Jump up^ Reassessment, p. 33
- Jump up^ Unger 2004, Reassessment, p. 34.
- Jump up^ Unger (2004), „Reassessment,” p. 13.
- Jump up^ Unger (2004), „Reassessment”, p. 9.
- Jump up^ Isaiah Trunk (2008), Łódź Ghetto: A History, page 52. ISBN 0253347556.
- Jump up^ Rees, Laurence,„Auschwitz: The Nazis and the ‚Final Solution'”, especially the testimony of Lucille Eichengreen, pp. 105-131. BBC Books. ISBN 978-0-563-52296-6.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Rees, Laurence.„Auschwitz: Inside the Nazi state”. BBC/KCET, 2005. Retrieved: 01.10.2011.
- Jump up^ Hannah Arendt. Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil. p. 119.
References
- Horwitz, Gordon J. Ghettostadt: Lodz and the Making of a Nazi City. Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press, ISBN067402799X
- Lebovic, Matt. ‚King Chaim’, ruler of the Lodz Ghetto, exposed in Boston exhibit. The Times of Israel, March 28, 2017.
- Löw, Andrea Juden im Getto Litzmannstadt: Lebensbedingungen, Selbstwahrnehmung, Verhalten. Wallstein: Göttingen, 2006
- Trunk, Isaiah (2006). Łódź Ghetto: a history. Robert Moses Shapiro, transl & ed (alk. paper ed.). Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press (in association with United States Holocaust Memorial Museum). ISBN 0-253-34755-6. Retrieved 2011-11-21.
- Unger, Michael (2004). Reassessment of the Image of Mordechai Chaim Rumkowski. Jerusalem: Keterpress Enterprises. ISBN 3835302930. For the Dov Paisikovic testimony (de) on gas chambers see transcripts from the Frankfurt Auschwitz trials of 1965.
- Unger, Michal Lodz – The Last Ghetto in Poland. Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, (in Hebrew)
- Epstein, Leslie (novel) King of the Jews, New York: 1976
- Sem-Sandberg, Steve. (novel) De fattiga i Łódź. Stockholm: Albert Bonniers Förlag, (novel, in Swedish); English title The Emperor of Lies, published in translation in 2011
External links
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Wikimedia Commons has media related to Ghetto Litzmannstadt. |
- United States Holocaust Memorial Museum – Online Exhibition: Give Me Your Children: Voices from the Lodz Ghetto, US Holocaust Memorial Museum
- United States Holocaust Memorial Museum – Library Bibliography: Łódź Ghetto, US Holocaust Memorial Museum
- Rumkowski’s „Give Me Your Children” Speech, Jewish Virtual Library
- „Rumkowski, Mordechai Chaim”, Yad Vashem, The Holocaust Martyrs’ and Heroes’ Remembrance Authority
- „Rumkowski, Mordechai Chaim”, Simon Wiesenthal Center Multimedia Learning Center Online
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/J%C3%B3zef_Szery%C5%84ski
Szeryński (left, standing with his back to the camera) receives a report from Jakub Lejkin, May 1941
Józef Andrzej Szeryński (born Josef Szynkman, 8 November 1893 or 1892 – 24 January 1943) was a Jewish police-colonel in interwar Poland,[1] inspector for the Lublin district and later – during the Second World War – a commander of the Jewish Ghetto Police in Warsaw with recommendation from Adam Czerniaków. Szeryński was arrested by the Gestapo on May 1, 1942 for smuggling furs out of the Warsaw Ghetto for personal gain.[1] He was released on the condition of leading the deportation action to Treblinka extermination camp in July 1942. The very next month Jewish underground attempted to assassinate him, unsuccessfully. He remained at the helm of the Ghetto Police until the end of the Grossaktion Warschau which claimed the lives of over 254,000 Ghetto inmates, men, women and children.[2] He committed suicide right after the next wave of deportations in January 1943.[1]
Life
Józef Szynkman (often misspelled as Szenkman)[1] was born to a Jewish family. He changed his name from Szynkman to Szeryński in the 1920s, joined the police reaching the rank of colonel, and soon developed an anti-Semiticself-hating attitude, labeling Jews as “animals” and „cows”. Following the invasion of Poland he was briefly arrested by the Germans. After his release Szynkman moved from Lublin to Warsaw with his family and settled in the Warsaw Ghetto. On 9 November 1940, Szeryński was entrusted by Adam Czerniaków with organizing the Jewish Ghetto Police force collaborating with the Germans. The Jewish Police under Szeryński’s command was responsible for beatings and persecution of ghetto inhabitants, participated in searches and arrests and gathering of deportees in the Umschlagplatz before they were sent to extermination camps. Under Szeryński’s orders the Jewish Police made sure that children and the sick were first to be deported as they were the weakest.
As the Jewish Police commander, Szeryński was a privileged inhabitant of the Ghetto and was even exempt from the requirement of wearing an armband with the Star of David. He was widely regarded as corrupt and engaging in black market activities. On 1 May 1942 the Germans arrested Szeryński accusing him of theft of fur coats confiscated from the ghetto population. His deputy Jakub Lejkin temporarily took his place as the Jewish Police commander. However, Szeryński was released on 26 July 1942 as the Germans realized that they needed his services to organize the massive deportations of ghetto Jews to Treblinka extermination camp which were carried out between 23 July and 21 September 1942.
On 21 August 1942, Szeryński survived being shot in an assassination attempt carried out by Izrael Kanal,[3] a member of the Jewish police working on behalf of the underground Jewish Combat Organization.
On 18 January 1943, the German forces entered the Ghetto to carry out the second massive deportation operation and eventually sent all the remaining ghetto inhabitants to the extermination camps. A few days after the deportations resumed, Szeryński committed suicide by ingesting cyanide.[4]
References
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d CBZŻ (2011). „Józef Andrzej Szynkman-Szeryński”. Warsaw Ghetto database. Archival records, bibliography, and citations. Centrum Badań nad Zagładą Żydów (Centre for Jewish Holocaust Studies). Retrieved 16 May 2015.
Dziennik getta warszawskiego” 1939-1942 by Adam Czerniaków; also in Stanisław Gombiński „Moje wspomnienia.
- Jump up^ Holocaust Encyclopedia (10 June 2013). „Treblinka: Chronology”. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Archived from the original (Internet Archive) on 5 June 2012. Retrieved 12 August 2014.
- Jump up^ Hilberg, Raul (2003). The destruction of the European Jews (3rd ed.). New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. p. 532. ISBN 9780300095579.
- Jump up^ Josef “Andzi” Szerynski. Jewish Virtual Library. Retrieved 2012-05-30.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Judenrat
Judenrat in the town of Szydłowiec in occupied Poland, where Jewish population was in the majority before the Holocaust
Judenrat (plural: Judenräte; German for „Jewish council”) was a widely used administrative agency imposed by Nazi Germany during World War II, predominantly within the ghettos in Nazi-occupied Europe, and the Jewish ghettos in German-occupied Poland. The Nazi German administration required Jews to form a Judenrat in every community across the occupied territories.[1]
The Judenrat constituted a form of self-enforcing intermediary, used by the Nazi administration to control larger Jewish communities in occupied areas. The Germans also implemented the name Jewish Council of Elders (Jüdischen Ältestenrat or Ältestenrat der Juden) in some ghettos, as in the Łódź Ghetto, and in Theresienstadt or in the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp.[2][3] While the history of the term Judenrat itself is unclear, Jewish communities themselves had established councils for self-government as far back as the Medieval Era. While the Hebrew term of Kahal (קהל) or Kehillah (קהילה) was used by the Jewish community, German authorities generally tended to use the term Judenräte.
Nazi considerations of Jewish legal status
The structure and missions of the Judenräte under the Nazi regime varied widely, often depending upon whether meant for a single ghetto, a city or a whole region. Jurisdiction over a whole country, as in Nazi Germany, was maintained by Reichsvereinigung der Juden in Deutschland (Reich’s Association of the Jews in Germany) established on 4 July 1939.[4]
In the beginning of April 1933, shortly after the National Socialist government took power, a report by a German governmental commission was presented on fighting the Jews. This report recommended the creation of a recognized ‚Association of Jews in Germany’ (Verband der Juden in Deutschland), to which all Jews in Germany would be forced to associate. Appointed by the Reichskanzler, a German People’s Ward was then to assume responsibility of this group. As the leading Jewish organization, it was envisioned that this association would have a 25-member council called the Judenrat. However, the report was not officially acted upon.
The Israeli historian Dan Michman found it likely that the commission, which considered the legal status and interactions of Jews and non-Jews before their emancipation, reached back to the Medieval Era for the term Judenräte. This illuminates the apparent intent to make the Jewish emancipation and assimilation invalid, and so return Jews to the status they held during the Medieval Era.
Occupied territories
The building of the Jewish Council in Warsaw, burned during the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising
The first actual Judenräte were established in occupied Poland by Reinhard Heydrich‚s orders on 21 September 1939, soon after the end of the German assault on Poland and later the occupied territories of the Soviet Union.[1]
The Judenräte were to serve as a means to enforce the occupation force’s anti-Jewish regulations and laws in the western and central areas of Poland, and had no authority of their own. Ideally, a local Judenrat was to include Rabbis and other influential people of their local Jewish community. Thus, enforcement of laws could be better facilitated by the German authorities by using established Jewish authority figures and personages, while undermining external influences.
Further Judenräte were established on 18 November 1939, upon the orders of Hans Frank, head of the Generalgouvernment. These councils were to have 12 members for Jewish communities of 10,000 or fewer, and up to 24 members for larger Jewish communities. Jewish communities were to elect their own councils, and by the end of 1939 were to have selected an executive and assistant executive as well. Results were to be presented to the German city or county controlling officer for recognition. While theoretically democratic, in reality the councils were often determined by the occupiers. While the German occupiers only minimally involved themselves in the voting, those whom the Germans first chose often refused participation to avoid becoming exploited by the occupiers. As a rule, therefore, the traditional speaker of the community was named and elected, preserving the community continuity.
Missions and duties
The Nazis systematically sought to weaken the resistance potential and opportunities of the Jews of Eastern Europe. The early Judenräte were foremost to report numbers of their Jewish populations, clear residences and turn them over, present workers for forced labour, confiscate valuables, and collect tribute and turn these over. Failure to comply would incur the risk of collective punishments or other measures. Later tasks of the Judenräte included turning over community members for deportation.
Through these occupation measures, and the simultaneous prevention of government services, the Jewish communities suffered serious shortages. For this reason, early Judenräte attempted to establish replacement service institutions of their own. They tried to organize food distribution, aid stations, old age homes, orphanages and schools. At the same time, given their restricted circumstances and remaining options, they attempted to work against the occupier’s forced measures and to win time. One way was to delay transfer and implementation of orders and to try playing conflicting demands of competing German interests against each other. They presented their efforts as indispensable for the Germans in managing the Jewish community, in order to improve the resources of the Jews and to move the Germans to repeal collective punishments.
This had, however, very limited positive results. The generally difficult situations presented often led to perceived unfair actions, such as personality preferences, sycophancy, and protectionism of a few over the rest of the community. Thus, the members of the community quickly became highly critical of, or even outright opposed their Judenrat.
Ghetto situation
Judenräte were responsible for the internal administration of ghettos, standing between the Nazi occupiers and their Jewish communities. In general, the Judenräte represented the elite from their Jewish communities. Often, a Judenrat had a group for internal security and control, a Jewish Ghetto Police (German: Jüdische Ghetto-Polizei or Jüdischer Ordnungsdienst). They also attempted to manage the government services normally found in a city such as those named above. However, the requirements of the Nazis to deliver community members to forced labor, deportation or Nazi concentration camps placed them in the position of helping the occupiers. To resist such actions or orders was to risk summary execution or inclusion in the next concentration camp shipment, with a quick replacement.
In a number of cases, such as the Minsk ghetto and the Łachwa ghetto, Judenräte cooperated with the resistance movement. In other cases, Judenräte cooperated with the Nazis.
The role of the Judenräte in the Holocaust
Hannah Arendt stated in her 1963 book Eichmann in Jerusalem that without the assistance of the Judenräte, the registration of the Jews, their concentration in ghettos and, later, their active assistance in the Jews’ deportation to extermination camps, fewer Jews would have perished because the Germans would have encountered considerable difficulties in drawing up lists of Jews. In occupied Europe, the Nazis entrusted Jewish officials with the task of making such lists of Jews along with information about the property they owned. The Judenräte also directed the Jewish Ghetto Police to assist the Germans in catching Jews and loading them onto transport trains leaving for Nazi concentration camps.
In her book, Arendt wrote that:
„To a Jew, this role of the Jewish leaders in the destruction of their own people is undoubtedly the darkest chapter of the whole dark story. […] In the matter of cooperation, there was no distinction between the highly assimilated Jewish communities of Central and Western Europe and the Yiddish-speaking masses of the East. In Amsterdam as in Warsaw, in Berlin as in Budapest, Jewish officials could be trusted to compile the lists of persons and of their property…”[5]
Arendt’s view has been challenged by other historians of the Holocaust, including Isaiah Trunk in his book Judenrat: The Jewish Councils in Eastern Europe Under Nazi Occupation (1972). Summarising Trunk’s research, Holocaust scholar Michael Berenbaum has written: „In the final analysis, the Judenräte had no influence on the frightful outcome of the Holocaust; the Nazi extermination machine was alone responsible for the tragedy, and the Jews in the occupied territories, most especially Poland, were far too powerless to prevent it.”[6]
See also
- Ghetto uprisings by prisoners of newly established ghettos in Nazi-occupied Europe
- Adam Czerniaków, head of the Warsaw GhettoJudenrat
- Dov Lopatyn, head of the Judenrat in Łachwa, Nazi-occupied Poland
- Mordechai Chaim Rumkowski, head of the Council of Elders in the Łódź Ghetto
- Theresienstadt concentration camp, a fortress in Bohemia where a Nazi-appointed „cultural council” organized the life of the Jewish prisoners.
References
- ^ Jump up to:a b Trunk, Isaiah Judenrat: the Jewish Councils in Eastern Europe under Nazi Occupation with an introduction by Jacob Robinson. New York: Macmillan, 1972. ISBN 080329428X.
- Jump up^ „The Ghettos Theresienstadt”. Yad Vashem The Holocaust Martyrs’ and Heroes’ Remembrance Authority. Retrieved 12 December 2011.
- Jump up^ Hans-Dieter Arntz. „Jupp Weiss aus Flamersheim, der Judenälteste von Bergen-Belsen”. Arbeitskreis Shoa.de e.V., Berlin, Deutschland (in German). Retrieved 12 December 2011.
- Jump up^ Josef Israel Loewenherz (1 June 1942). „Yad Vashem Archives” (PDF). Head of the Jewish Community in Vienna informs about the intended evacuation of Jews to Theresienstadt concentration camp. Yad Vashem, The Holocaust Martyrs’ and Heroes’ Remembrance Authority. Retrieved 1 April 2015.
- Jump up^ Hannah Arendt (2006). Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil. The Wannsee Conference, or Pontius Pilate. Penguin. pp. 117–118. ISBN 1101007168. Retrieved 16 June 2015.
- Jump up^ Berenbaum, Michael. „Judenrat”. jewishvirtuallibrary.org. Retrieved September 28, 2013.
External links
- Documents about the Judenrat in the Ghetto Terezín (Theresienstadt) in the collection of the Jewish Museum Prague.
- (in German)An article in German
- Correspondence between JDC and representatives of Jewish community organizations located inside the Collection: Records of the American Joint Distribution Committee: Warsaw office, 1939–1941
Literature
- Isaiah Trunk:Judenrat. The Jewish Councils in Eastern Europe under Nazi Occupation, Stein & Day, 1977, ISBN0-8128-2170-X
- V. Wahlen:Select Bibliography on Judenraete under Nazi Rule, in: Yad Vashem Studies 10/1974, s. 277-294
- Aharon Weiss:Jewish Leadership in Occupied Poland. Postures and Attitudes, in Yad Vashem Studies 12/1977, s. 335-365
- Marian Fuks: Das Problemm der Judenraete und Adam Czerniaks Anstaendigkeit. inSt. Jersch-Wenzel: Deutsche – Polen – Juden Colloquium, Berlin, 1987 ISBN3-7678-0694-0, s. 229-239
- Dan Diner: Jenseits der Vorstellbaren- Der „Judenrat” als Situation. In: Hanno Loewy, Gerhard Schoenberner: „Unser Einziger Weg ist Arbeit.” Das Ghetto in Lodz 1940–1944.. Vienna 1990, ISBN3-85409-169-9
- Dan Diner: Gedaechtniszeiten. Ueber Juedische und Andere Geschichten. Beck 2003, ISBN3-406-50560-0
- Doron Rabinovici: Instanzen der Ohnmacht. Wien 1938–1945. Der Weg zum Judenrat. Juedischer Verlag bei Suhrkamp, 2000, ISBN3-633-54162-4
- Dan Michman: ‚Jewish „Headships” under Nazi Rule: The Evolution and Implementation of an Administrative Concept’, in: Dan Michman: Holocaust Historiography, a Jewish Perspective. Conceptualizations, Terminology, Approaches and Fundamental Issues, London/Portland, Or.: Vallentine Mitchell, 2003, pp. 159–175. ISBN0-85303-436-2
- Dan Michmann: ‚On the Historical Interpretation of the Judenräte Issue: Between Intentionalism, Functionalism and the Integrationist Approach of the 1990s’, in: Moshe Zimmermann (ed.), On Germans and Jews under the Nazi Regime. Essays by Three Generations of Historians. A Festschrift in Honor of Otto Dov Kulka (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University Magnes Press, 2006), pp. 385–397.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jewish_Ghetto_Police
Jewish policemen in Węgrów, Poland
‘Jewish Ghetto Police’ or Jewish Police Service (German: Jüdische Ghetto-Polizei or Jüdischer Ordnungsdienst), also called the Jewish Police by Jews, were auxiliary police units organized within the Jewish ghettos of German-occupied Poland by local Judenrat (Jewish council) collaborating with the German Nazis.[1]
Jewish Ghetto Police in the Warsaw Ghetto, May 1941
Jewish policemen in the Łódź Ghetto 1940
Armband worn by the Jewish Ghetto Police in the Warsaw Ghetto
Overview
Members of the Jüdischer Ordnungsdienst at first did not have official uniforms, often wearing just an identifying armband, a hat, and a badge, and were not allowed to carry firearms, although they did carry batons. They were used by the Germans primarily for securing the deportation of other Jews to the concentration camps, but their work encompassed all forms of public order in the ghetto.
The Jüdischer Ordnungsdienst were recruited from two separate groups, who could be relied upon to follow German orders. The first were Jewish lawyers, disbarred by the German occupiers, largely recruited by deputy commander Jakub Lejkin, himself later executed by the Jewish Resistance. The second, larger and more criminally active group, were recruited from among pre-War Jewish organised crime groups.[1] The first commander of the Warsaw ghetto was Józef Szeryński, a Jewish lieutenant-colonel in the pre-War Polish Police. He changed his name from Szenkman and developed an anti-Semitic attitude.[2] Szerynski survived an assassination attempt carried out by a member of the Jewish police, Yisrael Kanal, who was working on behalf of the underground Jewish Combat Organization. In ghettos where the Judenrat was resistant to German orders, the Jewish police were often used (as reportedly in Lutsk) to control or replace the council.[1]
The criminal elements in the Ordnungsdienst soon came to dominate several areas of life in the ghetto, notably the transportation of people and goods. Additionally, there was a secret department, Section 13, known as the „Jewish Gestapo„. It specialised in tracking down Jewish people outside the Ghetto walls, as well as their Polish helpers, and often profited by extorting them.
One of the largest police units was to be found in the Warsaw Ghetto, where the Jüdischer Ordnungsdienst numbered about 2,500. The Łódź Ghetto had about 1,200, and the Lviv Ghetto 500.[3]
The Polish-Jewish historian and the Warsaw Ghetto archivist Emanuel Ringelblum has described the cruelty of the ghetto police as „at times greater than that of the Germans, the Ukrainians and the Latvians.”[4] The fate of the Jewish policemen was ultimately equal to all Jews. Upon the liquidation of the ghettos (1942-1943) they were either killed on site or sent to the extermination camps. However, some of the more active criminals, especially those associated with the Żagiew network, are known to have survived the war.
See also
References
- ^ Jump up to:a b c „Judischer Ordnungsdienst”. Museum of Tolerance. Simon Wiesenthal Center. Retrieved 2008-01-14.
- Jump up^ http://www.deathcamps.org/occupation/warsaw%20ghetto.html
- Jump up^ Raul Hilberg: The Destruction of the European Jews, Quadrangle Books, Chicago 1961, p. 310.
- Jump up^ Collins, Jeanna R. „Am I a Murderer?: Testament of a Jewish Ghetto Policeman (review)”. Mandel Fellowship Book Reviews. Kellogg Community College. Retrieved 2008-01-13.
Further reading
- Anonymous (2014). The Clandestine History of the Kovno Jewish Ghetto Police. Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-01283-8.
- A Jewish Policeman in Lwow An Early Account, 1941-1943 Ben Z. Redner Translator: Jerzy Michalowicz (2015) ISBN 978-965-308-504-6
External links
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Wikimedia Commons has media related to Jewish Ghetto Police. |
- Judischer Ordnungsdienst at Yad Vashem
- The Relations between the Judenrat and the Jewish police at Yad Vashem
- Ghetto Police at the YIVO Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Group_13
Employees of Trzynastka in the street
Townhouse at 93 „Solidarność” Avenue (formerly 13 Leszno Street) in Warsaw, in 1940–1941 the seat of Trzynastka
The Group Thirteen network (Polish: Trzynastka, Yiddish: דאָס דרײַצענטל) was a Jewish collaborationist organisation in the Warsaw Ghetto during the occupation of Poland in World War II. The Thirteen took its informal name from the address of its main office at 13 Leszno Street in Warsaw. The group was founded in December 1940 and led by Abraham Gancwajch,[1] the former head of Hashomer Hatzair in Łódź.[2] Sanctioned by Sicherheitsdienst (SD),[3] and also known as the Jewish Gestapo,[4] the unit reported directly to the German Gestapo office.[5]
The group vied for control of the ghetto with the Judenrat,[4] and infiltrated the Jewish opposition within the ghetto.[5]The group’s most important branch was the Office to Combat Usury and Profiteering in the Jewish Quarter of Warsaw.[6] Supposed to fight the black market, it actually collected large sums via racketeering, blackmail and extortions.[3][4] The group also ran its own prison. In total, the group numbered between three and four hundred uniformed Jewish officers, distinguished by caps with green bands.[6] The admittance payment to become a member of the “13” was several thousand zlotys issued by the German-controlled Bank.[7]
In July 1941 the Group 13 lost to the Judenrat in the political arena and the Office was incorporated into the Jupo police force.[4]
After the Office was closed, the active members of the Group 13 centered on Gancwajch, and concentrated their efforts on setting up their own infirmary and ambulance service (the so-called Emergency Service, or the First Aid Station, which was created in May 1941). However, the company’s resources soon became used predominantly for smuggling and contraband.[3][4] They also ran other operations, for example a brothel at the Britannica hotel.[4] They had near total control over the horse-drawn carriages and all transportation within the ghetto.[3]
Leadership split
In mid-1941, shortly before the Office was closed, there was a split in the Group leadership, when Morris Kohn and Zelig Heller broke with Gancwajch and established their own organizations.[4] Kohn and Heller eventually outlasted the Group. Their demise only came during the mass deportations from the ghetto to Treblinka extermination camp in the course of Grossaktion Warsaw.[3] The rise and fall of the Group was likely related to the struggles for power between various factions in the German military staff and bureaucracy who supported various factions in the Ghetto for their own financial benefits.[3]
In April 1942 many members of the Group 13 were executed by the Germans in Operation Reinhard.[4] Gancwajch and surviving members of the group later re-emerged posing as Jewish underground fighters, though in reality they were hunting for Poles hiding or otherwise supporting the Jews. After closing the Jewish Gestapo, Gancwajch stayed in Warsaw outside the ghetto, where he continued working for the Nazis.[4] He was rumored to have died around 1943;[1][4] a hypothesis about his post-war collaboration with the NKVD was never confirmed.
See also
Notes
- ^ Jump up to:a b The record at Warsaw Ghetto database
- Jump up^ W. D. Rubinstein, The Left, the Right, and the Jews Universe Books, 1982, ISBN 0-87663-400-5, (Google Print), p. 136.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f Israel Gutman, The Jews of Warsaw, 1939-1943: Ghetto, Underground, Revolt Indiana University Press, 1982, ISBN 0-253-20511-5, (Google Print), p. 90–4.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i j Itamar Levin, Walls Around: The Plunder of Warsaw Jewry During World War II and Its Aftermath Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004, ISBN 0-275-97649-1 (Google Print), pp. 94–98.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Tadeusz Piotrowski (1998). Poland’s Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration with Occupying Forces. McFarland. pp. 66–67. ISBN 0786403713.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Anna Heilman, Never Far Away: The Auschwitz Chronicles of Anna Heilman University of Calgary Press, 2001, ISBN 1-55238-040-8, (Google Print), p. 52.
- Jump up^ „The „13” www.HolocaustResearchProject.org”. http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org. Retrieved 2018-02-15.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C5%BBagiew
Żagiew („The Torch”), also known as Żydowska Gwardia Wolności (the „Jewish Freedom Guard”), was a Nazi-collaborationist Jewish agent provocateur group in Nazi German-occupied Poland, founded and sponsored by the Germans and led by Abraham Gancwajch.[1] Many Żagiew members were related to the collaborationist Jewish organization Group 13, which was also led by Gancwajch. The organization operated primarily within the Warsaw Ghetto. Żagiew was established in late 1940 and existed until the time of the ghetto’s elimination during the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising of 1943.
The Nazis had over a thousand Jewish secret agents in Poland[2] and some were permitted by their Gestapo handlers to possess and bear firearms.
Its primary goal was to infiltrate the Jewish resistance network and reveal its connections with the Polish underground aiding and hiding Jews in the General Government. The organization was able to inflict considerable damage on both fronts.[3] Żagiew agents were also instrumental in organizing the Hotel Polski affair in Warsaw, a German scheme to lure thousands of wealthy Jews under false promises of evacuation to South America into a trap and extort their money and valuables before killing most of them.
See also
Notes
- Jump up^ Jerzy Ślaski, Jerzy Piesiewicz, Polska walcząca: 1939-1945, Published by Instytut Wydawniczy Pax, 1990; ISBN 83-211-1428-8.
- Jump up^ Piotrowski, Tadeusz (1997). Poland’s Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration with Occupying Forces and Genocide…. Jefferson, NC and London: McFarland & Company. p. 74. ISBN 0-7864-0371-3.
- Jump up^ Henryk Piecuch, ‘’Syndrom tajnych służb: czas prania mózgów i łamania kości, Published by Agencja Wydawnicza CB, 1999; ISBN 83-86245-66-2.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hotel_Polski
Plaque commemorating Polish Jews lured in and interned in this building by Nazi Germans through the spring of 1943, and subsequently murdered in the Holocaust.
Hotel Polski (Polish Hotel), opened in 1808, was a hotel in Warsaw, Poland, at 29 Długa street. In 1943, the Hotel was used by Germans as an internment place for Jews from Warsaw, where they could buy foreign affidavits and passports and, as foreign citizens, leave Warsaw. This case is known as „Hotel Polski Affair”. In 1944, the building was heavily damaged during the Warsaw Uprising and re-purposed afterward.
Hotel Polski affair
In 1942, the Germans, helped by Jewish collaborators from the Żagiew network, promised to allow Jews from Warsaw holding foreign passports of neutral countries to leave the General Government for South America. Seeing this as an opportunity to save the lives of Jews in the ghettos, Jewish organizations from Switzerland started sending documents to the Warsaw Ghetto. However, in many cases, the holders of these affidavits and passports were already dead. In May 1943, after the last deportation from the Warsaw Ghetto, a network of Jewish collaborators, some of them probably in direct agreement with local Gestapo authorities, started to sell these documents to Jews who were hiding on the „Aryan” side of Warsaw. The Gestapo used the Hotel Polski to house the Jewish families preparing for the journey. Around 2500 people came out of their hiding places and moved to the Hotel Polski. In July 1943 they were transferred to the Vittel and Bergen-Belsen camps. On 15 July 1943, the 300 Jews remaining in the Hotel without foreign passports were executed by the Germans at Pawiak prison. The South American governments refused to recognize most of the passports. Therefore, instead of being transferred to South America, the Jews were sent to Auschwitz in May 1943 and October 1943. About 350 Jews who held Palestinian affidavits survived.
Some of the famous residents of Hotel Polski included Itzhak Katzenelson, a famous poet, as well as Menachem Kirszenbaum and Jehoszua Perle from the Jewish resistance.
Many historians[who?] see the „Hotel Polski affair” as a German trap to lure the richer Jews out of their hiding places in Warsaw under false pretenses and steal their possessions.
References
- Hotel Polski at yadvashem.org
Further reading
- Shulman, Abraham (1982). The Case of Hotel Polski. An Account of One of the Most Enigmatic Episodes of World War II. New York: Schocken. ISBN 0896040348.
- Agnieszka Haska, Jestem Żydem, chcę wejść. Hotel Polski w Warszawie, 1943, Instytut Filozofii i Socjologii PAN, 2006, ISBN 83-7388-096-8. (in Polish)
- Światło na aferę „Hotel Polski”. In: Tadeusz Kur: Sprawiedliwość pobłażliwa. Proces kata Warszawy Ludwiga Hahna w Hamburgu. Warszawa: wydawnictwo MON, 1975, p. 399-430. OCLC 6648513. (in Polish)
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kapo_(concentration_camp)
Kapo (concentration camp)
A kapo leader at Salaspils concentration camp, Latvia, with a Lagerpolizist (camp policeman) armband
A kapo or prisoner functionary (German: Funktionshäftling, see § Etymology) was a prisoner in a Nazi concentration camp who was assigned by the SS guards to supervise forced labor or carry out administrative tasks. Also called „prisoner self-administration”, the prisoner functionary system minimized costs by allowing camps to function with fewer SS personnel. The system was designed to turn victim against victim, as the prisoner functionaries were pitted against their fellow prisoners in order to maintain the favor of their SS overseers. If they were derelict, they would be returned to the status of ordinary prisoners and be subject to other kapos. Many prisoner functionaries were recruited from the ranks of violent criminal gangs rather than from the more numerous political, religious and racial prisoners; those were known for their brutality toward other prisoners. This brutality was tolerated by the SS and was an integral part of the camp system.
Prisoner functionaries were spared physical abuse and hard labor, provided they performed their duties to the satisfaction of the SS functionaries. They also had access to certain privileges, such as civilian clothes and a private room.[1] While the Germans commonly called them kapos, the official government term for prisoner functionaries was Funktionshäftling.
Etymology
The origin of „kapo” is unclear. The Jewish Virtual Library claims[2] it is an abbreviated form of the word Kameradschaftpolizei (roughly, „comrade police force”) or perhaps Kameradschafts-Polizei.[3] It could have also come from the Italian word for „head” and „boss”, capo. According to the Duden, it is derived from the French word for „Corporal” (fr:Caporal).[4][5][6] Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Robert D. McFadden believes that the word „kapo” is derived from the German word Lagercapo meaning camp captain.[7]
System of thrift and manipulation
Concentration camps were controlled by the SS, but day-to-day organization was supplemented by the system of functionary prisoners, a second hierarchy that made it easier for the Nazis to control the camps. These prisoners made it possible for the camps to function with fewer SS personnel. The prisoner functionaries sometimes numbered as high as 10% of the inmates.[8][9] The Nazis were able to keep the number of paid staff who had direct contact with the prisoners very low in comparison to normal prisons today. Without the functionary prisoners, the SS camp administrations would not have been able to keep the day-to-day operations of the camps running smoothly.[10][11] The kapos often did this work for extra food, cigarettes, alcohol or other privileges.[12]
At Buchenwald, these tasks were originally assigned to criminal prisoners, but after 1939, political prisoners began to displace the criminal prisoners,[13] though criminals were preferred by the SS. At Mauthausen, on the other hand, functionary positions remained dominated by criminal prisoners until just before liberation.[14] The system and hierarchy also inhibited solidarity among the prisoners.[14] There were tensions between the various nationalities as well as between the various prisoner groups, who were distinguished by different Nazi concentration camp badges. Jews wore yellow stars, other prisoners wore colored triangles pointed downward.[15]
Prisoner functionaries were often hated by other prisoners as Nazi henchmen and were spat upon.[16] While some barrack leaders (Blockälteste) tried to assist the prisoners under their command by secretly helping them get extra food or easier jobs, others were more concerned with their own survival and to that end, did more to assist the SS.[17][18]
Identified by green triangles, the befristeter Vorbeugungshäftling or „BV” („temporary preventive custody prisoner”) kapos,[19] were called „professional criminals” by other prisoners and were known for their brutality and lack of scruples. Indeed, they were selected by the SS because of those qualities.[1][14][20] According to former prisoners, the criminal functionaries were more apt to be helpful to the SS than political functionaries, who were more apt to be helpful to other prisoners.[17]
From Oliver Lustig’s Dictionary of the Camp:
Vicenzo and Luigi Pappalettera wrote in their book The Brutes Have the Floor[21] that, every time a new transport of detainees arrived at Mauthausen, Kapo August Adam picked out the professors, lawyers, priests and magistrates and cynically asked them: „Are you a lawyer? A professor? Good! Do you see this green triangle? This means I am a killer. I have five convictions on my record: one for manslaughter and four for robbery. Well, here I am in command. The world has turned upside down, did you get that? Do you need a Dolmetscher, an interpreter? Here it is!” And he was pointing to his bat, after which he struck. When he was satisfied, he formed a Scheisskompanie with those selected and sent them to clean the latrines.[22]
Domination and terror
The SS used domination and terror to control the camps’ large populations with just a few SS functionaries. The system of prisoner guards was a „key instrument of domination”,[1] and was commonly called „prisoner self-government” (Häftlings-Selbstverwaltung) in SS parlance.[23]
The camp draconian rules, constant threat of beatings, humiliation, punishment, and the practice of punishing whole groups for the actions of one prisoner were psychological and physical torments on top of the starvation, and physical exhaustion from back-breaking labor. Prisoner guards were used to push other inmates to work harder, saving the need for paid SS supervision. Many kapos felt caught in the middle, being both victims and perpetrators. Though kapos generally had a bad reputation, many suffered guilt about their actions, both at the time and after the war, as revealed in a book about Jewish kapos.[8]
Many prisoner functionaries, primarily from the ranks of the „greens” or criminal prisoners, could be quite ruthless in order to justify their privileges, especially when an SS man was around.[19][24] They also played an active role in the beatings, even killing fellow prisoners. One non-criminal functionary was Josef Heiden , a notorious Austrian political prisoner. Feared and hated, he was known as a sadist and was responsible for several deaths. He was released from Dachau in 1942 and became a member of the Waffen SS.[25] Some guards were personally involved in the mass murder of other prisoners.[26] Beginning in October 1944, criminal functionaries from among the German Reichsdeutsche were sought out for transfer to the Dirlewanger Brigade.[1]
The armband of an oberkapo
Ranks of functionary
The important functionary positions inside the camp were Lagerältester (camp leader or camp senior), Blockältester(block or barracks leader or senior) and Stubenältester (room leader).[note 1] The highest position that a prisoner could reach was Lagerältester.[17][27][28] He was placed directly under the camp commandant, had to implement his orders, ensure that the camp’s normal daily routines ran smoothly and satisfy the superior regulations. The Lagerälteste had a key role in the selection of other prisoners as functionaries, making recommendations to the SS. Though dependent on the goodwill of the SS, through them, he had access to special privileges, such as access to civilian clothes or a private room.
The Blockältester (block or barracks leader) had to ensure that rules were followed in the individual barracks. He or she was also responsible for the prisoners in the barracks.[14][17] The Stubenälteste (room leader) was responsible for the hygiene, such as delousing, and order of each room in a barracks. The Blockschreiber (registrar or barrack clerk) was a record-keeping job, such as keeping track at roll calls.
Work crews outside the camp were supervised by a Vorarbeiter (foreman), a Kapo, or Oberkapo (chief kapo). These functionaries pushed their fellow prisoners, hitting and beating them, even killing them.[24]
Prisoner functionaries could often help other prisoners by getting them into better barracks or getting them assigned to lighter work.[17] On occasion, the functionaries could effect other prisoners’ removal from transport lists or even secure new identities in order to protect them from persecution.[13] This assistance was generally limited to the prisoners in the functionary’s own group (fellow citizens or political comrades). The prisoner functionaries were in a precarious hierarchy between their fellow inmates and the SS. This situation was intentionally created, as revealed in a speech by Heinrich Himmler.
The moment he becomes a Kapo, he no longer sleeps with them. He is held accountable for the performance of the work, that they are clean, that the beds are well-built. […] So, he must drive his men. The moment we become dissatisfied with him, he is no longer Kapo, he’s back to sleeping with his men. And he knows that he will be beaten to death by them the first night. — Heinrich Himmler, June 21, 1944[1]
In National Socialism‚s racial ideology, some races were „superior” and others „inferior”. Similarly, the SS sometimes had racial criteria for the prisoner functionaries, sometimes one had to be racially „superior” to be a functionary. The group category was also sometimes a factor. A knowledge of foreign languages was also advantageous, particularly as the international population of the camps increased and they preferred a certain level of education.[14]
An eager prisoner functionary could have a camp „career” as an SS favorite and be promoted from Kapo to Oberkapo and eventually to Lagerältester, but he could also just as easily run afoul of the SS and be sent to the gas chambers.[29]
Prosecution of kapos
The Israeli Nazi and Nazi Collaborators (Punishment) Law of 1950, most famously used to prosecute Adolf Eichmann in 1961 and Ivan Demjanjuk in 1986, was originally introduced with the principal purpose of prosecuting Jewish collaborators with the Nazis.[30][31] Between 1951 and 1964, approximately 40 trials were held, mostly of people alleged to have been kapos.[31] Fifteen are known to have resulted in convictions, but only rough details are available since the records were sealed in 1995 for a period of 70 years from the trial date.[31] One person was convicted of crimes against humanity, which carried a mandatory death penalty, but the sentence was commuted to imprisonment.[31]
A small number of kapos were prosecuted in East and West Germany. In a well-publicised 1968 case, two Auschwitz kapos were put on trial in Frankfurt.[12] They were indicted for 189 murders and multiple assaults, found guilty of several murders, and sentenced to life imprisonment.[12]
During the Stutthof trials in Gdańsk, Poland, which took place in 1946 and 1947 for the prosecution of the Stutthof concentration camp personnel, five kapos were sentenced to death, with extreme brutality cited. Four of them were executed on 4 July 1946, and one on 10 October 1947. Another kapo was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment and one acquitted and released on 29 November 1947.[32][33]
Significance
German historian Karin Orth wrote that there was hardly a measure so perfidious as the SS attempt to delegate the implementation of terror and violence to the victims themselves.[1] Eugen Kogon, an avowed opponent of Nazism from prewar Germany and Buchenwald concentration camp survivor, wrote after the war ended that the concentration camp system owed its stability in no small way to a cadre of kapos, who took over the daily operations of the camp, thus relieving the SS personnel. The absolute power was ubiquitous. The system of discipline and supervision would have promptly disintegrated, according to Kogon, without the delegation of power downwards. The rivalry over supervisory and warehouse functionary jobs was, for the SS, an opportunity to pit prisoners against each other. Thus, the regular prisoner was at the mercy of a dual authority, the SS, who often hardly seemed to be at the camp, and the prisoner kapos, who were always there.[18]
See also
- Belsen Trial, the Trial of Joseph Kramer and 44 others (former kapos, convicted in late 1945 for war crimes)
- Bitch Wars in the Soviet Gulag system
- Orli Wald, Lagerälteste at Auschwitz, called the „Angel of Auschwitz”
- Robert Siewert, kapo at Buchenwald
- Trusty system (prison)
- The Counterfeiters, a film which features several kapos, in various camps.
- Escape from Sobibor, a television movie which features a kapo helping prisoners escape from Sobibór extermination camp.
Footnotes
- Jump up^ Ältester is variously translated as „leader”, „elder”, „supervisor”, „commander” or „senior”.
References
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f Karin Orth (2007) [2000]. Norbert Frei, ed. Gab es eine Lagergesellschaft? „Kriminelle” und politische Häftlinge im Konzentrationslager. Ausbeutung, Vernichtung, Öffentlichkeit: Neue Studien zur nationalsozialistischen Lagerpolitik. Munich: Institut für Zeitgeschichte, de Gruyter. pp. 110, 111, 127, 131. ISBN 3-598-24033-3 – via Google Books. (in German)
- Jump up^ Jozeph Michman (Melkman) (2008). „KAPO”. Encyclopaedia Judaica. Jewish Virtual Library. Archived from the original on 2012-08-01 – via Internet Archive.
- Jump up^ Miklos Nyiszli (2013), Auschwitz: A Doctor’s Eyewitness Account Skyhorse Publishing. ISBN 1628720263.
- Jump up^ Yizhak Ahren, „Überlebt weil schuldig – schuldig weil überlebt” Review of book about Jewish kapos. Leo Baeck Bookshop, official website. Retrieved May 8, 2010 (in German)
- Jump up^ Kogon, Eugen (1980). The theory and practice of hell: the German concentration camps and the system behind them. New York: Berkley Books. ISBN 0-425-16431-4. (Translated from: Kogon, Eugen (1946). Der SS-Staat: Das System der deutschen Konzentrationslager. München.)
- Jump up^ de Jong, L., (1978). Het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden in de Tweede Wereldoorlog, deel 8, gevangenen en gedeporteerden, eerste helft. ‚s-Gravenhage: Staatsuitgeverij. ISBN 90-12-00829-8. , p. 481
- Jump up^ Mcfadden, Robert D. (1988-02-05). „A Jew Who Beat Jews in a Nazi Camp Is Stripped of His Citizenship”. The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2017-05-20.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Yizhak Ahren, „Überlebt weil schuldig – schuldig weil überlebt” Review of book about Jewish kapos. Leo Baeck Bookshop, official website. Retrieved May 8, 2010 (in German)
- Jump up^ Marc Schemmel, Funktionshäftlinge im KZ Neuengamme. Zwischen Kooperation und Widerstand. Saarbrücken (2007) p. 4. ISBN 978-3-8364-1718-1(in German)
- Jump up^ Stanislav Zámečník, Das war Dachau. (Published by Comité International de Dachau) Luxemburg (2002) pp. 151–159 (in German)
- Jump up^ Jerzy Pindera, edited by Lynn Taylor, Liebe Mutti: one man’s struggle to survive in KZ Sachsenhausen, 1939–1945 University Press of America (2004) pp. 113 ISBN 0-7618-2834-6 Retrieved May 5, 2010
- ^ Jump up to:a b c René Wolf (2007). „Judgement in the Grey Zone: the Third Auschwitz (Kapo) Trial in Frankfurt 1968”. Journal of Genocide Research. 9 (4): 617–663. doi:10.1080/14623520701644432.
- ^ Jump up to:a b Bill Niven, The Buchenwald child: truth, fiction, and propaganda Camden House (2007) ISBN 978-1-57113-339-7. Retrieved April 15, 2010
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e „Audio guide 05: Prisoner functionaries” Archived 2011-07-06 at the Wayback Machine. Mauthausen Memorial official website. May 6, 2010
- Jump up^ Holocaust Encyclopedia (2017). „Marking System”. Classification System in Nazi Concentration Camps. Washington, DC: United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.
- Jump up^ Jens-Christian Wagner, Häftlingseinsatz im KZ Dora-Mittelbau… article from Ausbeutung, Vernichtung, Öffentlichkeit. Norbert Frei (Ed.), pp. 26–27. Munich (2000) ISBN 3-598-24033-3 (in German)
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d e Shirli Gilbert, Music in the Holocaust: confronting life in the Nazi ghettos and camps Oxford University Press (2005) page 101. ISBN 0-19-927797-4 Retrieved May 5, 2010
- ^ Jump up to:a b Guido Knopp (2013) [2002]. Die SS. Eine Warnung der Geschichte. Munich: Bertelsmann Verlag. page 209 (193, reprint). ISBN 3641108411.(in German)
- ^ Jump up to:a b „Neuengamme / Bremen-Farge” United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, official website. Retrieved May 6, 2010
- Jump up^ „Organized Resistance” Against the odds, official website. Documentary about prisoner resistance in Nazi concentration camps. Retrieved May 6, 2010
- Jump up^ The author or translator probably refers to the book: Pappalettera, Vincenzo y Luigi. ” La parola agli aguzzini: le SS e i Kapò di Mauthausen svelano le leggi del lager.”, Milano: Mondadori (1969), Mursia, (1979), also „Los SS tienen la palabra: las leyes del campo de Mauthausen reveladas por las Schutz-Staffeln”. Barcelona: Editorial Laia, (1969).
- Jump up^ Oliver Lustig, Dicţionar de lagăr, Bucharest, Hasefer, 2002, ISBN 973-630-011-0 (English translation at iSurvived.org.)
- Jump up^ Andrej Reisin (August 29, 2008). „Die Sozialstruktur des Lagers”. „Alltag” in den Konzentrationslagern. NDR.de.
- ^ Jump up to:a b „Prisoner administration” Wollheim Memorial, official website. Retrieved May 7, 2010
- Jump up^ Ludwig Eiber; Robert Sigel, eds. (2007). Dachauer Prozesse: NS-Verbrechen vor amerikanischen Militärgerichten in Dachau 1945-1948. Wallstein Verlag, Göttingen. p. 18. ISBN 978-3-8353-0167-2. (in German)
- Jump up^ „The prisoner functionaries system”. Gusen Memorial, official website. Archived from the original on March 6, 2012. Retrieved March 9, 2017 – via Internet Archive.
- Jump up^ Danuta Czech, Auschwitz Chronicle, 1939–1945, (1990) ISBN 0-8050-5238-0, Glossary.
- Jump up^ Stanislav Zámečník, Das war Dachau Comité International de Dachau, Luxemburg (2002) p. 154 (in German)
- Jump up^ „7. Juli – 19. Oktober 1940”[permanent dead link] Auschwitz survivor Heinrich Dronia’s official website. Retrieved May 7, 2010 (in German)
- Jump up^ Hanna Yablonka (2003). „The development of Holocaust consciousness in Israel: The Nuremberg, Kastner, and Eichmann trials”. Israel Studies. 8: 1–24. doi:10.2979/isr.2003.8.3.1.
- ^ Jump up to:a b c d Orna Ben-Naftali; Yogev Tuval (2006). „Punishing international crimes committed by the persecuted : The Kapo Trials in Israel (1950s–1960s)”. Journal of International Criminal Justice. 4: 128–178. doi:10.1093/jicj/mqi022.
- Jump up^ Janina Grabowska (22 January 2009). „Odpowiedzialność za zbrodnie popełnione w Stutthofie. Procesy” [Responsibility for the Atrocities Committed at Stutthof. The trials.]. KL Stutthof, Monografia. Archived from the original(Internet Archive) on January 22, 2009. Retrieved 12 November 2014.
- Jump up^ Bogdan Chrzanowski, Andrzej Gąsiorowski (Zeszyty Muzeum, 5), Załoga obozu Stutthof (Staff of Stutthof concentration camp) (PDF file, direct download 9.14 MB) p. 189 (13/40 in PDF). Muzeum Stutthof w Sztutowie. Zaklad Narodowy Imienia Ossolinskich, Wrocław, Warszawa, Krakow 1984. PL ISSN 0137-5377.
Further reading
- Revital Ludewig-Kedmi, Opfer und Täter zugleich? Moraldilemmata jüdischer Funktionshäftlinge in der Shoah. Psyche und Gesellschaft. Book expanded from a doctoral dissertation about the moral dilemma faced by Jewish kapos in the Holocaust. Psychosozial Verlag, Gießen (2001) ISBN 3-89806-104-3 (in German)
External links
- Sebastian Dregger: Die Rolle der Funktionshäftlinge im Vernichtungslager Auschwitz – und das Beispiel Otto Küsels. (in German)
- Abschnitt aus dem Bericht der Auschwitzflüchtlinge Alfred Wetzler und Rudolf Vrba über F. (Late April 1944) (in German)
Pani Dr Ewa Kurek w TVP INFO
OFF CUTS
Published on Feb 19, 2018
Powiedzmy sobie prawdę, przyjacielu.
Szkoda, że nie wspomniała o policji żydowskiej.
Grigori Wolny
jak to nie? A pod koniec? Nie słuchałeś.
Brudniak Maria
W KONCU zaprosiliscie Pani dr Kurek!!!! Pani dr powinna objac stanowisko dyrektora obozu Auschwitz a ten typ co jest teraz juz powinien odejsci i to w podskokach!!!!!
sam w dolinie
Psni dr.Ewa Kurek ma czarny pas w Historii. Brawo i pozdrawiam.
Jakub Jaszczerski
Ona ma nie jeden czarny pas, prosze posluchac jak wszystko argumentuje nawet niedawne odniesienia z prasy podaje w kontekscie kto do kogo ;)
Ja Esteban
Polecam przeczytać książkę dr Ewy Kurek „Poza granicą solidarności. Stosunki polsko-żydowskie 1939-1945” Blisko 10 stron bibliografii do przypisów, z czego wiele ze źródeł archiwalnych Archiwum Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego
Mark 13
Ale do programu minela 20 z najwieksza ogladalnoscia nie zaprosza ! tam chodza traz „eksperci” co srali po gaciach zeby powiedziec slowo „zyd” publicznie
vilemo75
Pani Ewo jak zwykle pełen profesjonalizm i wiedza – im więcej Pani w telewizji mainstreamowej tym lepiej – czekam z nadzieją na kolejne pani występy, pozdrawiam – wierna czytelniczka Pani publikacji.
mirek ruc
szok w końcu publiczna tv zaprosiła Dr Kurek no moze cos się w końcu zmieni w tym biednym kraju
ong valcot
Ksiazka Hanny Arendt nie byla przetlumaczona na hebrajski przez lata. Ma racje p. dr. Kurek, ze Izraelczycy nie znaja histori.
PolubieniePolubienie
MatkaPolka72@MatkaPolka72
Jedno pytanie – czy w tej uroczystości brał udział jakiś przedstawiciel Izraela, ambasador, wiceambasador, choćby sprzątaczka z ambasady, jakiś przedstawiciel organizacji żydowskich? Więcej pytań nie mam.
polanka
Polacy dostali ostatnio wspaniałą naukę. Martwić się przede wszystkim o swój naród i rodzinę. Jak można poświęcać swoją rodzinę za kogoś kto by tego dla nas nigdy nie zrobił?
żałosne semickie interpretacje
„Historia Strzelana”-dobre sobie! Ci co ryzykowali życiem w ten sposób-są mniej warci? Bo nie ofiarowali życia tylko za konkretnego Żyda? A ich rodziny ryzykowały za „pomoc partyzantom” a nie „pomoc Żydom”
hrabianek
Jakiez to smutne i niesprawiedliwe! Za jedna ocalala zydowke, wymordowano CALA PIEKNA ,BOHATERSKA RODZINE POLSKA. Warto bylo, za to co nas teraz spotyka od zydow?
nigdy więcej!
Po latach dostali piękne „podziękowanie” od Żydów.
Tg
Czas na budowę Pomnika Polaków Ratujących Żydów w Warszawie. Stolica Polski pozbawiona jest pomnika hołdu dla Tych setek, tysięcy ludzi z całej Polski. Projekt czeka na realizację.
Taka nauczka
Obecnie brak kandydatow na nowych Ulmow i Marciniakow. Polska krew zdrozala, a kurs dojrzewania przyspieszony.
więcej światła…@eko.obywatel
Powinny powstać biogramy wszystkich Polaków z listy Sprawiedliwy Wśród Narodów…
Symbol heroizmu Polaków! Upamiętniono rodzinę Marciniaków, która oddała życie za ukrywanie Żydów
opublikowano: 4 godziny temu
autor: fot. PAP/Wojciech Jargiło wPolityce.pl
Rodzinę Marcinaków, zamordowaną 75 lat temu w związku z ukrywaniem Żydów i sowieckiego jeńca uczcili w piątek przedstawiciele Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej, władz wojewódzkich i samorządowych oraz młodzież.
Na cmentarzu parafialnym w Rogóźnie (Lubelskie), na grobie rodziny Marciniaków złożono wieńce i kwiaty. Potem w pobliskim Ludwinie odbyło się spotkanie z mieszkańcami.
Pamięć o tych wydarzeniach powoli wygasała. Jestem bardzo wdzięczny wszystkim osobom, które przyczyniły się do wznowienia tej historii w naszej społeczności
— powiedział wójt gminy Ludwin Andrzej Chabros.
Bracia Marciniakowie – Jan, Józef i Feliks – ich siostra Klementyna oraz żona Jana, Anna, zostali w lutym 1943 r. zamordowani przez niemieckich okupantów w związku z ukrywaniem Żydów i sowieckiego jeńca.
Historię rodziny opowiedział zebranym dyrektor lubelskiego oddziału IPN Marcin Krzysztofik.
Natknąłem się na nią przypadkiem
— zaznaczył.
Do historii tej dotarł, kiedy poszukiwał krewnych jednego z żołnierzy AK a potem podziemia antykomunistycznego – Stanisława Marciniaka, straconego w styczniu 1953 r. w więzieniu na Zamku w Lublinie.
Rodzina Marciniaków mieszkała we wsi Dratów, ich sąsiadami była żydowska rodzina Reisów, która została wywieziona do getta w Łęcznej. W gospodarstwie Marciniaków ukrywał się młody Leopold Reis. Ukrywał się tu także jeniec sowiecki – Konstanty Gorłow, którego jeden z braci Marciniaków znalazł w zimie na polu i udzielił mu pomocy.
Według ustaleń śledztwa prowadzonego przez prokuratorów IPN w Lublinie, 10 lutego 1943 r. grupa żandarmów niemieckich i tzw. granatowej policji otoczyła zabudowania rodziny Marciniaków. Towarzyszył im ówczesny wójt gminy Ludwin Andrzej Sadowy.
Do żandarmów wyszedł Jan Marciniak, który chciał im dać łapówkę, został zastrzelony w momencie, gdy sięgał do kieszeni. Jego brat Józef uciekł w kierunku pobliskiego jeziora, ale dogonił go saniami Sadowy i tam zastrzelił. W gospodarstwie Marciniaków Niemcy odnaleźli ziemiankę z ukrywającym się jeńcem sowieckim. Zamordowano go wrzucając do ziemianki granaty. Według ustaleń śledztwa IPN w czasie akcji niemieckich żandarmów Leopolda Reisa akurat nie było w zabudowaniach Marciniaków. Jego dalsze losy są nieznane.
W tym samym czasie zginął też kolejny z braci Marciniaków, Feliks, który mieszkał w sąsiedniej wsi Uciekajka i prawdopodobnie zaniepokojony odgłosami wybuchu zmierzał w stronę zabudowań brata w Dratowie. Został rozpoznany przez sołtysa Dratowa i wskazany żandarmom. Feliks – żołnierz Batalionów Chłopskich i Armii Krajowej – próbował uciec, strzelał z pistoletu. Został ranny, a następnie popełnił samobójstwo lub też został dobity przez Andrzeja Sadowego.
Kobiety z rodziny Marciniaków zostały zatrzymane w budynku gminy w Ludwinie. Wśród nich były żona Feliksa – Julia Marciniak, żona Jana – Anna Jakubowska-Marciniak, wraz córkami Krystyną Jakubowską i Heleną Marciniak. Zatrzymana została także siostra braci Marciniaków – Klementyna z dwuletnim dzieckiem żydowskim, które ukrywała. Było to prawdopodobnie dziecko lekarza z Zamościa, Klementyna ubierała je w dziewczęce ubrania, mówiła, że to jej nieślubne dziecko.
20 lutego 1943 r. niemiecki żandarm zastrzelił przy budynku gminy Klementynę wraz z dzieckiem oraz Annę Marciniak, która była w zaawansowanej ciąży. Julia Marciniak została zwolniona. Wybłagała darowanie życia swojej córki – Heleny, a jej starsza córka – Krystyna została wywieziona do Niemiec.
Z żydowskiej rodziny Reis ocalały dwie siostry Sara i Rachela. Jak wspominała Helena Kuśnierz (z domu Cygan), córka Franciszka i Janiny z domu Marciniak – wujkowie Marciniakowie załatwili Racheli fałszywe dokumenty i znaleźli dla niej schronienie w rodzinie zamieszkałej we wsi koło Puchaczowa. Natomiast Sara Reis przez osiem miesięcy była u rodziny Cyganów we wsi Abramów, przedstawiana jako krewna, która przyjechała zaopiekować się chorą Janiną. Kiedy o ukrywaniu Żydówki u Cyganów doniesiono granatowej policji, Franciszek Cygan skierował ja do swojej znajomej – Kazimiery Zięby, która pomogła jej się ukrywać w Warszawie. Sara po wojnie wyjechała z Polski, ale utrzymywała kontakt z polską rodziną.
Rodzina Cyganów za uratowanie Sary Reis – została odznaczona medalem Sprawiedliwy Wśród Narodów Świata, przyznanym w 1978 r.
Sebastian Piątkowski z delegatury lubelskiego IPN w Radomiu powiedział, że „nie ma w powojennych badaniach historycznych w Polsce większego zaniedbania” niż sprawa Polaków ratujących Żydów.
To z dzisiejszej perspektywy jest straszne, że przez dziesiątki lat nikogo to nie interesowało. Pierwsza duża akcja mająca na celu przebadanie tych wydarzeń została przeprowadzona przez Główną Komisję Badania Zbrodni Hitlerowskich w Polsce w 1984 r., czyli ok. 40 lat po zakończeniu wojny. Większość tych osób ratujących Żydów już nie żyła
— powiedział.
W Polsce istniała ta dominacja, jak to się mówi złośliwie -„historii strzelanej”. Prawdziwym bohaterem był ten, kto walczył z pistoletem czy karabinem, natomiast ci ludzie, którzy w godzinie próby wykazali się tym niezwykłym poczuciem obywatelstwa i solidarności, tak naprawdę nikogo nie interesowali
— dodał Piątkowski.
Zdaniem Piątkowskiego o wielu takich heroicznych czynach nie wiadomo, nie ma na to dokumentów, ani relacji świadków.
Jesteśmy bezradni. Jest za późno. To pokolenie, które ratowało, powoli odchodzi. Dzisiaj mamy ostatnią szansę spotkać tych niezwykłych ludzi
— zaznaczył.
pc/PAP
PolubieniePolubienie
https://wpolityce.pl/polityka/382884-skandaliczne-klamstwa-rabina-w-the-washington-times-oskarza-polakow-o-wspoludzial-w-holokauscie-nazisci-wiedzieli-ze-polska-byla-antysemicka
https://wpolityce.pl/polityka/383026-ipn-protestuje-przeciw-haniebnym-klamstwom-w-the-washington-times-to-przejaw-falszywej-narracji-o-polskiej-historii
https://kresy.pl/wydarzenia/ipn-odpowiada-antypolski-artykul-the-washington-times/
https://kresy.pl/wydarzenia/ambasador-rp-usa-reaguje-artykul-amerykanskiego-rabina/
https://kresy.pl/wydarzenia/amerykanski-rabin-polska-byla-antysemicka-wiekow/
https://wpolityce.pl/polityka/383054-minister-czaputowicz-o-filmie-polski-holokaust-pokazuje-ze-dzialania-polski-byly-uzasadnione-po-tym-filmie-to-nie-my-sie-bronimy-tylko-nas-bronia
https://wpolityce.pl/polityka/383053-oszczerczy-atak-agresywnych-srodowisk-zydowskich-na-polske-nie-bylby-mozliwy-gdyby-dawno-zostala-rozpowszechniona-prawda-o-jedwabnem
https://wpolityce.pl/polityka/383099-ipn-gotowy-do-dialogu-historycznego-ze-strona-izraelska-szpytma-mozemy-rozmawiac-o-faktach-i-ich-interpretacjach
https://wpolityce.pl/historia/383079-wielkie-dzielo-pomocy-zydom-konsula-rokickiego-w-latach-40-wystawil-falszywe-paszporty-dla-ok-2-tys-polskich-zydow
https://wpolityce.pl/polityka/383044-w-sprawie-gardlowej-i-niezwykle-drazliwej-podszytej-poteznymi-emocjami-polacy-wykazali-sie-imponujaca-dojrzaloscia
https://wpolityce.pl/polityka/383030-nasz-wywiad-prof-musial-to-bedzie-tsunami-jezeli-ustawa-o-ipn-wejdzie-w-takim-ksztalcie-polska-zostanie-wizerunkowo-rozjechana
PolubieniePolubienie
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Nazis_of_non-Germanic_descent – Lista nie-niemieckich kolaborantów „nazistów” wg. wikipedii. Bynajmniej nie znajdziemy na niej Heydricha, Milcha, Eichmanna i tylu innych.
Jest kilku „germanised of Polish descent”, więc jednak nie dało się im wynaleźć ani jednego Polaka, którego bez wątpienia chętnie by na niej umieścili.
Na uwagę zasługuje, z innych względów, Baldur von Schirach, którego narodowość określono jako „Wendisch”…
PolubieniePolubienie
To dobry pomysł, żeby wskazywać na nazistowskich zbrodniarzy tzw. żydowskiego pochodzenia. Zrobię tu szybko Milcha. Ciekawe co tam o nim znajdziemy… hehehe
PolubieniePolubienie
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Erhard_Milch
Milch in 1944
Erhard Milch (30 March 1892 – 25 January 1972) was a German field marshal who oversaw the development of the Luftwaffe as part of the re-armament of Nazi Germany following World War I. During World War II, he was in charge of aircraft production; his ineffective management resulted in the decline of the German air force and its loss of air superiority as the war progressed. He was convicted of war crimes during the Milch Trial held before the U.S. military court in 1947 and sentenced to life imprisonment; he was released in 1954.
World War I and inter-war career
Milch was born in Wilhelmshaven, the son of Anton Milch, a Jewish pharmacist [1] who served in the Imperial German Navy, and Clara Milch, née Vetter. The Gestapo would later investigate Milch multiple times due to his Jewish heritage.
Milch enlisted in the German Army in 1910, where he rose to the rank of lieutenant in the artillery. He later transferred to the Luftstreitkräfte (Imperial Air Force) and trained as an aerial observer. In the waning days of the war, although not a pilot, he was appointed to command a fighter wing, Jagdgruppe 6, as a captain.[2]
Milch resigned from the military in 1920 to pursue a career in civil aviation. With squadron colleague Gotthard Sachsenberg, Milch formed a small airline in Danzig under the banner of Lloyd Luftdienst, Norddeutscher Lloyd‚s union of regional German airlines. The airline linked Danzig to the Baltic States. In 1923, Milch became managing director of its successor company. From there, Milch and Sachsenberg went to work for rival Junkers Luftverkehr, where Milch was appointed managing director in 1925. He later became the first managing director of Deutsche Luft Hansa.[citation needed] Milch joined the Nazi Party (number 123885) on 1 April 1929, but his membership was not officially acknowledged until March 1933, because Hitler deemed it desirable to keep the fact hidden for political reasons.[3][4]
In 1933, Milch took up a position as State Secretary of the newly formed Reich Ministry of Aviation (RLM), answering directly to Hermann Göring. In this capacity, he was instrumental in establishing the Luftwaffe, the air force of Nazi Germany. Milch was responsible for armament production, though Ernst Udet was soon making many of the decisions concerning contracts for military aircraft. Milch quickly used his position to settle personal scores with other aviation industry personalities, including Hugo Junkers and Willy Messerschmitt. Specifically, Milch banned Messerschmitt from submitting a design in the competition for a new fighter aircraft for the Luftwaffe. Messerschmitt outmanoeuvred Milch, circumventing the ban and successfully submitting a design. The Messerschmitt-designed Bayerische Flugzeugwerke corporate entry, the Bf 109, proved to be the winner. Messerschmitt maintained its leading position within the German aircraft industry until the failure of the Me 210 aircraft. Even after that Milch, as the leader, did not depose him, but put him in an inferior position.[5]
World War II
At the outbreak of World War II Milch, now with the rank of general, commanded Luftflotte 5 during the Operation Weserübung in Norway. Following the defeat of France, Milch was promoted to Generalfeldmarschall (field marshal) during the 1940 Field Marshal Ceremony and given the title Air Inspector General. As such, Milch was in charge of aircraft production. The lack of a long-term strategy, and a divisive military command structure, led to many mistakes in the operational and technical ability of the Luftwaffe, and were key to the continued loss of German air superiority as the war progressed.[6]
The frequent, and often conflicting, changes in operational requirements led to numerous changes in aircraft specification and designs so that manufacturers like Messerschmitt were unable to focus outright on a few aircraft types and, most importantly, production output. The Germans failed to put their production on a war footing, continued to run factories only eight hours a day, and failed to include women in the workforce. German World War II aircraft production output did not rise as steeply as Allied output, especially Soviet production, which exceeded Germany’s in 1942 and 1943.
On 10 August 1943, Milch finally addressed Germany’s lack of a truly „four-engined” heavy bomber to carry out raids against Great Britain. He endorsed Arado Flugzeugwerke to be the subcontractor for the Heinkel He 177B separately engined heavy bomber design. Only three flyable prototypes were completed by early 1944.[7] Since March 1944, Milch, together with Albert Speer, oversaw the activities of the Jägerstab („Fighter Staff”), a governmental task force whose aim was to increase production of fighter aircraft, in part by moving the production facilities underground. In cooperation with the SS, the task force played a key role in the exploitation of slave labour for the benefit of the German aircraft industry and the Luftwaffe.[8]
In 1944 Milch sided with Joseph Goebbels, the propaganda minister and Heinrich Himmler, the Reichsführer-SS, in attempting to convince Adolf Hitler to remove Göring from command of the Luftwaffe following the failed invasion of the Soviet Union. When Hitler refused, Göring retaliated by forcing Milch out of his position. For the rest of the war, he worked under Albert Speer.
Following Hitler’s suicide, Milch attempted to flee Germany, but was apprehended by Allied forces on the Baltic coast on 4 May 1945. On surrendering, he presented his baton to Brigadier Derek Mills-Roberts, who was so disgusted by what he had seen when liberating the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp that he broke the baton over Milch’s head.[9]
Trial and conviction at Nuremberg
In 1947, Milch was tried by a United States Military Tribunal in Nuremberg. He was convicted on two counts:
Milch was sentenced to life imprisonment at Landsberg prison. His sentence was commuted to 15 years imprisonment in 1951, but he was released in June 1954. He lived out the remainder of his life in Düsseldorf, where he died in 1972.
Awards
See also
References
Citations
Bibliography
PolubieniePolubienie
Nazistowski zbrodniarz tzw. żydowskiej narodowości, czyli inaczej niemiecki żyd, odpowiedzialny, za zbrodnie dokonywane przez niemieckie nazistowskie lotnictwo, także na jego żydowskich współziomkach, ale przeważnie na Słowianach i Polakach.
https://pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Erhard_Milch
Erhard Milch (ur. 30 marca 1892 w Wilhelmshaven, zm. 25 stycznia 1972 w Wuppertalu) – niemiecki lotnik wojskowy i cywilny, feldmarszałek. Członek NSDAP od marca 1933[a], zbrodniarz wojenny.
Życiorys
Jego matką była Niemka, zaś ojcem – aptekarz ze zasymilowanej rodziny żydowskiej[1][2]. Po wstąpieniu do niemieckiej armii w 1910, został szybko oficerem artylerii[3]. Na początku I wojny światowej służył w 6. pułku artylerii pieszej na froncie zachodnim, lecz wkrótce zgłosił się do przeniesienia do lotnictwa. Odbył w 1915 szkolenie obserwatora lotniczego i służył początkowo w tym charakterze. Od jesieni 1916 był adiutantem komendanta szkoły lotniczej w Alt-Autz w Kurlandii. Awansowany do stopnia kapitana, od października 1918 roku dowodził przez krótki okres 6. Dywizjonem Myśliwskim (Jagdgruppe 6)[4]. Za zasługi bojowe został odznaczony Krzyżem Żelaznym II klasy, a następnie I klasy. Po zakończeniu wojny, służył w ochotniczym dywizjonie 412, strzegąc granicy wschodniej Niemiec w składzie Grenzschutz Ost, następnie od stycznia 1920 dowodził policyjną eskadrą lotniczą w Królewcu. Kiedy zabroniono lotnictwa policyjnego w Niemczech po Traktacie Wersalskim, w 1921 roku zrezygnował ze służby i rozpoczął pracę w lotnictwie komunikacyjnym[5].
Milch utworzył małe przedsiębiorstwo lotnicze Lloyd Ostflug w W.M. Gdańsku, należące do związku Lloyd Luftdienst, zajmujące się przewozami do państw bałtyckich. W 1923 został dyrektorem linii lotniczej Danziger Luftpost – następcy Lloyd Ostflug. Po przejęciu tej firmy przez Deutsche Aero Lloyd, Milch przeniósł się do konkurencyjnej linii lotniczej Junkers Luftverkehr, której został dyrektorem. Po jej połączeniu z Deutsche Aero Lloyd w 1926, został pierwszym dyrektorem nowo powstałych linii Lufthansa (Deutsche Luft Hansa)[6]. W latach 30. nabył majątek ziemski, o powierzchni 300 hektarów, położony we wsi Suchy Dwór, 5 km na południe od Wrocławia.
Współpracował z Göringiem przy tworzeniu Luftwaffe. W 1933 roku został zastępcą Göringa w randze sekretarza stanu w Ministerstwie Lotnictwa Rzeszy (RLM), odpowiedzialnym za produkcje zbrojeniową[7]. W tym czasie rodzina Milcha była poddana śledztwu Gestapo w związku z pogłoskami, iż jego ojciec jest Żydem. Göring rozwiązał problem, zmuszając matkę Milcha do podpisania oświadczenia, iż jej mąż nie jest biologicznym ojcem Erharda. Przy okazji miał się wyrazić: „O tym, kto w Luftwaffe jest Żydem, decyduję ja”. W dniu 30 stycznia 1937 został odznaczony przez Adolfa Hitlera złotą odznaką partyjną NSDAP[8].
1 listopada 1938 mianowany został generałem pułkownikiem. Od 24 października 1938 do 7 stycznia 1945 pełnił funkcję generalnego inspektora Luftwaffe. Od 12 kwietnia do 10 maja 1940 roku dowodził 5 Flotą Powietrzną w Norwegii. Po zakończonej sukcesem operacji desantowej w Norwegii, odznaczony został Krzyżem Rycerskim[9]. 19 lipca 1940 roku, wspólnie z Albertem Kesselringiem i Hugo Sperrlem, został awansowany do stopnia feldmarszałka[10]. W następnym roku, po śmierci generała Ernsta Udeta, został Inspektorem Generalnym Lotnictwa (Generalluftzeugmeister), odpowiadającym za rozwój techniczny lotnictwa i produkcję lotniczą w Niemczech. Na tym stanowisku zapewnił wysoki poziom produkcji mimo poprzednich błędnych decyzji podejmowanych przez Udeta. Ernst Udet przygwożdżony raportem Milcha o karygodnych zaniedbaniach praktycznie prowadzących do przegranej Luftwaffe popełnił samobójstwo[11].
Wspólnie z Goebbelsem i Himmlerem starał się w 1944 o odwołanie Göringa za mizerne rezultaty działań Luftwaffe na froncie wschodnim. Zamiar ten nie powiódł się i Milch został zmuszony w sierpniu 1944 roku do rezygnacji ze stanowiska, po czym został zastępcą Alberta Speera[12].
Pod koniec wojny Erhard Milch dostał się do niewoli brytyjskiej, został aresztowany 4 maja 1945 podczas pobytu w jednym z dworów w Neustadt nad Morzem Bałtyckim. Kiedy przesłuchujący go oficerowie brytyjscy wspomnieli o okrucieństwach i zbrodniach popełnionych na więźniach w obozach koncentracyjnych w Buchenwaldzie i Bergen-Belsen, Milch cynicznie odrzekł: Czy panowie nie rozumieją, że to wszystko byli podludzie, a nie tacy ludzie jak panowie i ja [13] W reakcji na te słowa jeden z oficerów brytyjskich wyrwał Milchowi z dłoni buławę marszałkowską i kilkoma ciosami rozbił mu ją na głowie, dotkliwie raniąc – Milcha przewieziono do szpitala wojskowego[14]. Władze brytyjskie trzy lata później wpłynęły na Royal Air Force, aby przeprosiła Milcha za ten epizod, uzasadniając to naruszeniem przepisów dyscyplinarnych przez przesłuchujących go oficerów.
Osądzono go podczas jednego z procesów norymberskich, tzw. procesie Milcha. 17 kwietnia 1949 skazano go na karę dożywotniego więzienia za deportację cudzoziemskich robotników[13] i zbrodnie przeciwko ludzkości[13]. Uchylono natomiast zarzut deportacji i torturowania węgierskich Żydów, ponieważ ich deportacja nastąpiła już po dymisji Milcha ze stanowiska sekretarza stanu i Generalnego Zbrojmistrza Luftwaffe[13]. Tak wysoki wyrok spowodowany był również postawą Milcha, który nie zgodził się być świadkiem oskarżenia[15].
Z więzienia został zwolniony 28 czerwca 1954 roku. Następnie pracował jako doradca w przemyśle samochodowym RFN w Wuppertalu, gdzie zmarł 25 stycznia 1972 roku[16].
Odznaczenia (lista niepełna)
Uwagi
Przypisy
Bibliografia
Linki zewnętrzne
PolubieniePolubienie
kalop
Teraz dopiero wyłazi cała prawda PISu i jego „genialnego” wodza! Opadły gacie i ukazała się goje padu!!! Szechter i Kaczyński w jednym stali domu……!
Rym
Ja tez tak uwazam najpierw mowimy ,ze zgineli Polacy a potem zydzi. Polacy sa najwazniesi dla Polakow.
Polacy ratowali żydów
wbrew żydom! Wszyscy żyjący żydzi to potomkowie żydowskich oprawców i uratowani przez Polaków. Oczywiście plus pokłosie жыдоболшэвии przywleczonej przez kałmuków.
https://wpolityce.pl/polityka/383048-minister-ziobro-za-ukrywanie-zydow-stracilo-zycie-nawet-kilkadziesiat-tys-polakow-jestesmy-im-winni-obrone-przed-klamstwem-o-polskim-holokauscie-wywiad
Minister Ziobro: Za ukrywanie Żydów straciło życie nawet kilkadziesiąt tys. Polaków. Jesteśmy im winni obronę przed kłamstwem o „polskim Holokauście”. WYWIAD
opublikowano: za 18 minut · aktualizacja: za 42 minuty
autor: Fratria
—mówi w wywiadzie dla PAP minister sprawiedliwości prokurator generalny Zbigniew Ziobro.
Jak podkreśla Ziobro w rozmowie z PAP, będą śledztwa w przypadku negowania i pomniejszania oczywistych niemieckich zbrodni i przypisywania ich państwu lub narodowi polskiemu.
Według niego, wskazówką dla prokuratorów, jak stosować nowe prawo, będzie werdykt Trybunału Konstytucyjnego; pozwoli też uspokoić negatywne emocje wobec ustawy. „Nowe prawo ma służyć ochronie historycznej prawdy i pamięci o ofiarach niemieckich zbrodni: Żydach, Polakach i przedstawicielach innych narodowości” – mówi Zbigniew Ziobro.
Panie Ministrze, kiedy papież Franciszek odwiedził dwa lata temu dawny niemiecki obóz śmierci Auschwitz, jako formę hołdu wobec ofiar wybrał milczenie. To nie wystarczy – skupienie i milczenie? Potrzebna była aż ustawa?
Zbigniew Ziobro: Papież napisał też wówczas w księdze pamiątkowej: „Panie, przebacz tyle okrucieństwa”. A żeby przebaczyć, trzeba pamiętać. I temu ma służyć znowelizowana ustawa o IPN – ochronie historycznej prawdy i pamięci o ofiarach niemieckich zbrodni: Żydach, Polakach, przedstawicielach innych narodowości. W myśl słów kuriera emigracyjnego polskiego rządu w Londynie Jana Karskiego, który alarmował amerykańskiego prezydenta Roosvelta, innych zagranicznych przywódców i cały świat o tragedii Żydów, i który do końca życia przypominał: „Ludzkość nie powinna zapomnieć o tym, co to jest Holokaust”.
Ten świat, który był wówczas głuchy na dramatyczne apele Karskiego i odrzucał prośby składane w imieniu polskiego rządu o zbombardowanie torów kolejowych, którymi Niemcy wozili Żydów na śmierć do Auschwitz, dziś szafuje określeniami w rodzaju „polskie obozy śmierci”. Kłamliwie przypisuje Polakom jako narodowi udział w Holokauście. Dlatego mimo upływu ponad 70 lat od końca wojny my, Polacy, wciąż nie możemy sobie pozwolić na milczenie. Te obozy nie były polskie, tylko niemieckie, a z rąk Niemców ucierpiała podczas wojny niemal każda polska rodzina. Także moja.
Nowe prawo ma uniemożliwić zacieranie granicy pomiędzy sprawcami zbrodni a ich ofiarami. Ma zapobiec kwestionowaniu i umniejszaniu niemieckich zbrodni.
Nie wystarczyło po prostu zakazać ustawą używania określenia „polskie obozy śmierci”? Krytycy mówią, że groźba kary wobec tego, „kto publicznie i wbrew faktom przypisuje Narodowi Polskiemu lub Państwu Polskiemu odpowiedzialność lub współodpowiedzialność za popełnione przez III Rzeszę Niemiecką zbrodnie nazistowskie”, to określenie zbyt szerokie.
Proszę przeczytać ten przepis dalej. Mówi wyraźnie o tym, że chodzi o nazistowskie zbrodnie „określone w art. 6 Karty Międzynarodowego Trybunału Wojskowego załączonej do Porozumienia międzynarodowego w przedmiocie ścigania i karania głównych przestępców wojennych Osi Europejskiej, podpisanego w Londynie dnia 8 sierpnia 1945 roku”. Co więcej, do tego artykułu odwołuje się też Decyzja Ramowa Unii Europejskiej z 2008 roku. Unia zobligowała państwa członkowskie do ścigania i karania wypowiedzi, które negują lub umniejszając zbrodnie nazistowskich Niemiec, fałszują historię. Tego typu przepisy obowiązują we Francji czy Luksemburgu.
Można więc powiedzieć, że nowelizując ustawę o IPN, dostosowujemy się do unijnych zaleceń. A odwołanie do art. 6 Karty Międzynarodowego Trybunału Wojskowego jest w sensie prawnym rozstrzygające. Jasno określa, że przepis ustawy odnosi się do kwestionowania zbrodni stwierdzonych ponad wszelką wątpliwość historycznie, a nie tych, które są np. dopiero badane przez historyków, co należy podkreślić.
Mimo wszystko prościej byłoby wprost zakazać posługiwania się określeniem „polskie obozy śmierci”…
Ale wtedy można by do woli opowiadać np. o „polskich komorach gazowych” albo w jeszcze inny sposób obciążać polski naród czy państwo odpowiedzialnością za niemieckie zbrodnie. Tak się nie pisze prawa, a prawo karne jest pod tym względem szczególnie restrykcyjne. Nie pozwala stosować wykładni rozszerzającej. To znaczy, że gdybyśmy zakazali wprost określenia „polskie obozy śmierci”, to nie moglibyśmy stosować tego zakazu do podobnych sformułowań – poprzez interpretację rozszerzającą czy analogię, w myśl prawniczej łacińskiej zasady nullum crimen sine lege stricta. Przyjęty przepis jest precyzyjny, jeśli się go czyta w całości, zwłaszcza w odwołaniu do Karty Międzynarodowego Trybunału Wojskowego, a nie gdy się używa publicystycznych skrótów czy tendencyjnych interpretacji.
Tendencyjne są zarzuty, że prawo będzie ścigać tych, którzy mówią o polskich szmalcownikach albo Polakach dopuszczających się zbrodni? Przywoływana jest tu choćby sprawa Jedwabnego.
Są przede wszystkim nieporozumieniem. Ustawa chroni przed fałszywymi zarzutami o niemieckie zbrodnie polski naród jako całość i polskie państwo, ale już nie pojedyncze osoby czy nawet grupy Polaków, którzy w czasie wojny zachowywali się niegodziwie. Co więcej, to prokurator będzie musiał wykazać, że zarzuty wobec państwa czy narodu są fałszywe.
To duży krok naprzód w stosunku do przepisów, które obowiązywały w Polsce w latach 2006-2008 i nie budziły wówczas protestów środowisk żydowskich. Przewidywały karę do 3 lat więzienia za pomawianie polskiego narodu za nazistowskie zbrodnie i – co jest zasadą w przypadku oskarżeń o pomówienie – od samego oskarżonego wymagały udowodnienia prawdziwości jego twierdzeń przed sądem. W myśl nowych rozwiązań ciężar udowodnienia winy został przeniesiony na prokuratora.
To prawda, że nie wszyscy Polacy zachowywali się podczas niemieckiej okupacji godnie. Był też nieliczny zbrodniczy margines, rzucający się w oczy zwłaszcza w mniejszych miejscowościach, ale jego winą nie można obciążać narodu jako całości. W sytuacji, gdy Polska pod niemiecką okupacją była jedynym krajem w Europie, gdzie za pomoc Żydom przewidziana była jedyna sankcja, tj. kara śmierci poprzez natychmiastową egzekucję. I to nie tylko wobec pomagającego, lecz także całej jego rodziny. Karze śmierci podlegali także ci, którzy wiedzieli o ukrywaniu Żydów i o tym nie donieśli niemieckim władzom. Anna Frank, której nie trzeba przedstawiać, była ukrywana przez Holendrów. Za ten szlachetny czyn jeden z nich przesiedział w areszcie 6 tygodni. Drugi został zesłany do obozu, w którym przeżył. Trzecią osobę puszczono wolno. W Polsce w analogicznej sytuacji zostaliby zamordowani wszyscy, ich rodziny i ci, którzy o ukrywaniu wiedzieli, ale nie zawiadomili Niemców. Tak jak to spotkało polskie małżeństwo Baranków i ich dwoje dzieci z małej wsi pod Miechowem, których Niemcy zabili za ukrywanie czwórki Żydów. W takich nieludzkich okolicznościach Polacy jako naród zdali egzamin z człowieczeństwa. Szacuje się, że za ukrywanie Żydów straciło życie nawet kilkadziesiąt tysięcy Polaków. Jesteśmy im winni pamięć, szacunek i obronę przed kłamstwem o „polskim Holokauście”.
Im – jak najbardziej. Ale jaka kara spotka np. Żydów ocalałych z Holokaustu, którzy będą opowiadać, że ich bliskich zabili Polacy albo wydali na śmierć Niemcom?
Żadna. Ta ustawa nie jest po to, by ukrywać fakty i negować relacje świadków historii. Tak jak powiedziałem: jako naród zachowaliśmy się godnie, ale to nie znaczy, że nie było Polaków, którzy – ze strachu albo dla zysku – dopuszczali się niegodziwości. Nie będziemy temu zaprzeczać ani tym bardziej za to karać.
Nie wszystkie fakty – te obciążające Polaków – są wystarczająco udokumentowane historycznie. Będzie kara za ich przywoływanie i dociekanie prawdy, która miałaby przynosić Polakom ujmę?
Nie. Celem ustawy jest troska o historyczną prawdę, a nie ograniczanie naukowców, w tym historyków. Ustawa wyraźnie wskazuje, że nie obejmuje działalności naukowej, a także artystycznej.
A publicystycznej?
Także nie, jeśli rozumiemy przez to przywoływanie w komentarzach i artykułach historycznych kontrowersji i wątpliwości, relacjonowanie badań naukowych, a także opisywanie faktów niechlubnych dla Polaków. Nikt nie ogranicza pod tym względem wolności słowa ani swobody dziennikarzy. Dopóki nie mamy do czynienia z oczywistym kłamliwym stwierdzeniem, np. o tym, że obozy zagłady były „polskie” albo że Polacy systemowo mordowali Żydów, czyli że miało miejsce coś podobnego do mordów na Polakach w południowo-wschodniej Polsce, gdzie decyzją podjętą przez kierownictwo ukraińskiego podziemia wydano rozkaz oddziałom zbrojnym, do których dołączyła się część ludności ukraińskiej.
To po co jest ta ustawa? Jaką prawdę ma chronić?
Tę bezsprzeczną i niepodlegającą dyskusji. Tę, która dla większości Polaków jest oczywista, a mimo to jest często kwestionowana w świecie, a także przez bardzo marginalne środowiska w Polsce.
Taką bezsprzeczną, historyczną prawdą jest fakt, że to Niemcy napadli w 1939 roku na Polskę. I to, że to polska armia, w której obok Polaków służyły także dziesiątki tysięcy żydowskich żołnierzy i oficerów, jako pierwsza przeciwstawiła się zbrojnie nazistowskiej machinie Hitlera. A także to, że to polscy żołnierze, w tym żydowskiej narodowości, przelewali krew w obronie państwa polskiego, które dziś niektórzy oskarżają o Holokaust. Polska zaatakowana przez Niemców i jej koalicjantów ze wszystkich stron, po tygodniach walk obronnych, straciła całe terytorium. Rząd, który z częścią sił zbrojnych znalazł się na emigracji, i podziemny ruch oporu nie były w stanie skutecznie chronić nie tylko swoich żydowskich, lecz także polskich obywateli. W wyniku rozpętanej przez Niemców wojny zginęły ponad 3 miliony polskich Żydów i niemalże tyle samo Polaków. Mimo utraty terytorium stworzyliśmy największą w Europie podziemną armię i jedyną w okupowanych krajach podziemną instytucję pomagającą Żydom, czyli Żegotę. Emigracyjny rząd przekazał jej prawie półtora miliona dolarów, co jak na tamte czasy dla Polskiego Rządu na Uchodźstwie było bardzo znaczącą kwotą.
Niezaprzeczalnym historycznym faktem jest także to, że nie został stworzony w Polsce kolaboracyjny rząd, tak jak w większości okupowanych państw Europy, których władze wspomagały III Rzeszę w eksterminacji Żydów. We wszystkich niemieckich obozach koncentracyjnych zginęły setki tysięcy Polaków. I to Polacy alarmowali świat o zbrodniach na ich żydowskich współobywatelach. To oficer podziemnej Armii Krajowej Witold Pilecki dał się uwięzić w Auschwitz, żeby dokumentować Holokaust i słać na Zachód dramatyczne raporty.
Faktem jest także to, że mimo wprowadzonego w okupowanej Polsce prawa, na mocy którego za pomoc Żydom Niemcy karali z miejsca śmiercią całe polskie rodziny. A zdarzało się, że w czasie takich egzekucji Niemcy palili ludzi w ich domach żywcem. To mimo takiego terroru Polacy na dużą skalę udzielali Żydom wsparcia. W sytuacji zagrożenia życia własnego i własnych dzieci było to przejawem niebywałego heroizmu. Nieporównywalnym z udzielaniem pomocy żydowskich obywatelom w innych okupowanych krajach, gdzie za taką pomoc groziło z reguły co najwyżej więzienie. Po to, żeby uratować Żydów ukrywających się w Polsce, potrzebne było zaangażowanie się setek tysięcy Polaków. Ta liczba jest różnie przedstawiana przez naukowców, ale zawsze jest mowa o setkach tysięcy. Wśród bohaterów, którym izraelski Instytut Yad Vashem przyznał za ratowanie Żydów medal „Sprawiedliwy wśród Narodów Świata”, najwięcej jest właśnie Polaków – ponad jedna czwarta.
Dlatego Polacy mają prawo się bronić przed skandalicznymi i kłamliwymi zarzutami, że jako naród są współwinni Holokaustu.
Padają jednak zarzuty, że Polacy nie zapobiegli niemieckim zbrodniom na Żydach na terenie swojego kraju.
Tak, jak nie zapobiegli śmierci prawie trzech milionów Polaków, w tym setek tysięcy w obozach koncentracyjnych. Tak, jak nie zapobiegli wywożeniu kolejnych milionów obywateli do niewolniczej pracy w Niemczech. Tak, jak nie zapobiegli zabiciu 200 tysięcy Polaków w czasie Powstania Warszawskiego, które wybuchło przeszło rok po pacyfikacji powstania w Getcie Warszawskim. Tak, jak nie udało się ocalić ok. 60 tysięcy polskich mieszkańców warszawskiej Woli i Ochoty, których Niemcy wymordowali w kilka dni, a stosy ciał, w tym kobiet i dzieci, sięgały pierwszego piętra domów. Tak samo jak nie udało się zapobiec grabieży i zniszczeniu przez okupantów ogromnej części majątku narodowego, ciągle nakładanym gigantycznym kontrybucjom itd.
Nie byliśmy w stanie zapobiec mordowaniu Polaków i nie mogliśmy skutecznie przeciwstawić się eksterminacji Żydów, której Niemcy dokonywali z demoniczną zawziętością. To był czas terroru, o którym często wielu nie wie lub nie chce o tym pamiętać. Stawianie więc zarzutów Polakom, którzy nie mogąc skutecznie ratować się sami, pomagali Żydom jak potrafili, jest bardzo krzywdzące i niesprawiedliwe. Sugerowanie możliwości sprzeciwienia się niemieckiemu terrorowi jest zupełnie oderwane od historycznych realiów i wynika albo ze skrajnie złej woli, albo ze skrajnej ignorancji.
Wobec tych, którzy zaprzeczają tej prawdzie – gdy już niebawem wejdzie w życie znowelizowana ustawa o IPN – zostaną więc wyciągnięte konsekwencje?
Procedury trwają, młyny sprawiedliwości mielą wolno. Jeśli zajdzie podejrzenie popełnienia przestępstwa, prokuratura – na mocy obowiązującego prawa – rozstrzygnie, czy wszczynać śledztwo. A z pewnością nie będzie wszczynać postępowań w tych sprawach, które jak wspomniałem w ogóle nie leżą w zakresie działania tego przepisu. Prokurator w przypadku postępowania powoła biegłych, którzy rozstrzygną, czy rzeczywiście doszło do zakłamywania historii wbrew oczywistym faktom. Ustalenia, zwłaszcza w budzącej tak wielkie kontrowersje sprawie, muszą być niezbite. Zanim prokuratura zdąży postawić komukolwiek zarzuty, to z całą pewnością na temat ustawy o IPN wypowie się Trybunał Konstytucyjny. Jego orzeczenie będzie dla prokuratorów wiążącą wskazówką, jak stosować nowe prawo, gdyż wyroki Trybunału są w Polsce powszechnie obowiązujące.
Spodziewa się Pan wyciszenia emocji wokół ustawy?
Mam nadzieję, że emocje ustąpią racjonalnym argumentom. Niebawem będziemy czcić kolejną rocznicę powstania w getcie w Warszawie. Nie chcę, żeby kiedyś stawiane przez Niemców mury dzieliły Polaków i Żydów. Łączy nas prawie tysiąc lat dobrej, wspólnej historii i nie wolno pozwolić na to, by cokolwiek mogło nas podzielić.
kk/PAP
A czy zgodne z Prawem i Spra-
wiedliwością jest zamrażanie przez Frosta tej ustawy? Albo przez jakiegoś tam karczewskiego. Bo Marszałkiem Senatu takie indywiduum chyba nie jest, prawda?
as
Przestańcie popłakiwać i się tłumaczyć!!!
Pol
I ani kroku w tył a mrzonki o zwrocie mienia bez spadkowego Żydzi niech sobie wsadzą na drzewo.
wyborca
Panowie z . PIS u prawo jest czy go niema nie ośmieszajcie się i nie róbcie z suwerena głupców jesteście za a nawet przeciw w PIS e głupota goni głupotę
MOLAS
dlaczego żydzi są wymieniani jako pierwsi (Żydach, Polakach i przedstawicielach)? to Polska a nie nie istniejący Israel był ofiarą napaści, to Polacy a nie zydzi byli pierwszymi ofiarami Niemców
PolubieniePolubienie
Jewish collaborators with the Nazis (Poland VS Israel again)
David Wolf
Published on Feb 18, 2018
https://www.politico.eu/article/benjamin-netanyahu-morawiecki-holocaust-polish-pms-comments-outrageous/
Marcin Dobrowolski
Look who has problems with accepting their own history. This is laughable. There were more Jewish collaborators than Polish. Aren’t we allowed to say that any more ? Did the truth change or something ?
Marek Crusader
They believe in Grabowki (they do not mention Jews):
„The speech given by the director of the FBI simply reflects the historical truth.
Indeed, masses of Europeans took part, in a variety of ways, in the implementation of the German project of the annihilation of European Jewry. Some did it out of greed, others were motivated by ideology, or by religion, or by the simple fact that hurting Jews had become a norm. We have to remember (and Comey did, in fact, mention this) that the entire project of extermination had been thought through, designed, and put in place by the Germans. But we also need to understand that among the otherwise “good” people who turned evil during the Holocaust we can find Germans, Hungarians, and Poles. We can also find Czechs, Belgians, the Dutch, the French, Ukrainians, Italians, Greeks, Byelorussians, Russians, and Slovaks. Obviously, James Comey could have expanded his list – but does this make his words any less poignant, any less true?”
„A day later, the directors of the four largest historical museums in Poland published an open letter to James Comey, in which – in a condescending and dismissive tone – they lectured and berated the director of the FBI and invited him to visit their respective establishments in order to improve his grasp of history. Unfortunately, even the directors of the Auschwitz Memorial Museum and the POLIN Museum of the History of Polish Jews, who should have some knowledge of the issues at hand, decided to sign the embarrassing letter.”
It looks like another Gross’s type of historian.
http://www.academia.edu/24713627/Poland_and_Polin._New_Interpretations_in_Polish-Jewish_Studies
To otwiera oczy jaką mają sieczkę w głowach.
Guidatore Dell Autobus
Polish collaborators were punished with death by Polish clandestine anti-natzi organisations during WW2, wheras Jewish collaborators are still, under protection of Israel and Holocaust Industry (though, this is not supprising). Jewish money covers their misbehaviours. That was for centuries, is now and it won’t change any soon.
daren darensky
http://jewishcrimes.info/
Eternalamon
Good Job man, keep spreading the truth!
marlej23
israel is a prime example of hypocrisy
TheLukrad
A piece of great insight, keep it up, God bless!
David Wolf
Thank you all for your kind comments. They encourage me to do more videos on the evils of the world. God bless you all! And to all of you in Poland, may God be with you!
PolubieniePolubienie
Top 10 Nazi Collaborators Who Were Jews ✡️
TopClassic
Published on Mar 10, 2017
Nazis were not so friendly when it came down to facing a jew,weren’t they?
Here is the list of the Top10 Jews who actually hided their personality for a period of time!
The list is:
10-Calel Perechodnik
9-Jozef Andrzej Szerynski
8-Adam Czerniakow
7-Chaim Mordechai Rumkowski
6-Alfred Nossig
5-…..Maybe you prefer to watch the video yourself 😉
gerard
Jewish criminals
janusz rakoczy
Perechodnik sent his wife and daughter to German death camp.
sunrydz
Czerniakow cannot be held responsible for the depotrations to Treblinka, because he committed suicide on July 23,1942. The responsible person was his deputy, Marek Lichtenbaum. https://sway.com/HPECNgAEIhbSt9cQ
Michael
Czerniaków is responsible for making Jewish ghettoes and high bread taxes that hungry people died. „Diaries” of Adam Czerniaków are interesting, as Chronicles of Ghettoes in Warsaw and Litzmannstadt (Łódź).
J.J. P.
The Polish Premier told the truth about Jews in German Deatch Camps. Polski Premier powiedział prawdę o Żydach w niemieckich obozach śmierci.
Edd Zet
Fragment of poem of Itzhak Katzenelson’s from „The Song of the Murdered Jewish People”:
„I am the man who watched, who saw
How my children, my women, my young and old were thrown
Like stones, like logs, into wagons
Brutally beaten, rudely abused
I looked at it from behind the window, I saw the murderers bands
Oh, God, I’ve seen beaten and beaten, those who go to death …
And I broke my hands in shame … of shame and disgrace –
Jews were killed with Jews’ hands – helpless Jews..
…..
In them, Jews! The hair is torn from the head and wringing hands.
Some are silent – their silence is louder even more.
They are looking … Their eyes … Is it the awake?
Maybe a bad dream and nothing more?
With them, the Jewish police – cruel and wild ruffians!
And from the side – the German with a light smile looks at them,
The German stopped at a distance and looks – he does not interfere,
He makes death to my Jews with Jewish hands!”
Itzhak Katzenelson was a Polish Jew who survived the uprising in the Warsaw Ghetto, to be murdered a year later in Auschwitz. During his internment in Vittel, he wrote a requiem for the European Jewry. „
PolubieniePolubienie
The Untold Story of Hitler’s Jewish Soldiers and Racial Laws (2003)
The Film Archives
Published on Aug 9, 2016
Goldberg’s father grew up in Königsberg as a member of the Jewish community but he had himself baptized in the local Lutheran church as he wished to become assimilated and marry a Christian. https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0700613587/ref=as_li_tl?ie=UTF8&camp=1789&creative=9325&creativeASIN=0700613587&linkCode=as2&tag=tra0c7-20&linkId=072161face8040769fb91f7852e72601
After Hitler became Chancellor of Germany in 1933, Mr. Goldberg lost his position under the Nazi law of April 1933, Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service, which expelled Jews from the German Civil Service.
Goldberg left school in 1935 and became an apprentice at Schneller und Schmeider, a clothing company jointly owned by a Jew and a non-Jew, where many of his colleagues were Jews or mischlinge. Goldberg’s maternal uncle joined the Nazi party and refused to be seen with the Goldberg family, even avoiding Goldberg’s mother.
At the beginning of 1938 Goldberg served a six-month term in the Reich Labour Service whose uniform, as Goldberg later recalled, „had a swastika on an armband”. On December 1, 1938 Goldberg joined the German Army. He took part in the invasion of Poland on September 1, 1939, serving alongside childhood friend Karl Wolf, whose father was now a high-ranking SS officer.
Shortly after the beginning of the War, Goldberg’s photograph appeared in the Sunday edition of the Berliner Tagesblatt newspaper with the caption „The Ideal German Soldier”; the photograph had been sold to the newspaper by the official army photographer. It was later used on recruitment posters.
In 1940 following the Armistice with France, Goldberg was expelled from the army under Hitler’s order of April 8, 1940 which stated that all 1st degree Mischlinge were to be expelled from the military. He returned to his former workplace which had now changed its name to the Feodor Schmeider Company, having been obliged to remove the Jewish name Schneller. Goldberg played an increasingly more responsible role within the company, obtaining contracts for uniforms from the army and the navy. He also attended the Reich Board of Labour Studies School (Reichsausschuss für Arbeitsstudie) where he was one of 4 out of 80 students who passed the test to become a REFA teacher. He then became a Labour Studies Board lecturer on the clothing business, and delivered lectures to organizations and company directors, even publishing an article in the weekly trade publication Textilwoche.
In December 1942, Goldberg’s father was admitted to the Bavaria Hospital. The Gestapo however raided the hospital and sent him to a Jewish hospital which had been requisitioned by the Gestapo for use as prison, from which Jews were taken and sent to Auschwitz. On Christmas Eve, gambling that the guards would be drunk or absent, Goldberg took his father from the hospital. Mr. Goldberg was soon back in the hands of the Gestapo and in April 1943 was summoned for deportation, but Goldberg told him not to show up and he was again saved. He became the only member of Goldberg’s family to survive the war.
Goldberg died in Berlin on September 28, 2004; he was survived by his wife Gertrud Goldberg, and three children.
Goldberg’s story formed part of the 2006 documentary Hitler’s Jewish Soldiers, a 58-minute film produced by Larry Price in association with the Israel Broadcasting Authority. Price was inspired by the 2002 book Hitler’s Jewish Soldiers by Bryan Mark Rigg.
Goldberg featured in an episode of the Yesterday TV series Nazi Collaborators,[7] first screened in the UK in December 2010.
In 2015 the photograph was used for the monument to „Protectors of Motherland” in Tobolsk, Russia as surrogate for an image of a Red Army soldier, reportedly by mistake. The image on the monument was promptly fixed.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Werner_Goldberg
james justice
Six Million? Come on! Even Auschwitz has reduced the number of fatalities from 4 million to 1.2 million, which not only includes Jews but also Gypsies, Russian soldiers trying to escape, etc., but the „six million” (which incidentally is a historical figure) still stands? Gas chambers in Auschwitz? Please watch David Cole’s presentation of his visit to Auschwitz on You Tube (which incidentally caused his Jewish mother to disown him). Mr.Abraham Jacobson: „Your holy brother of GREAT TRUTH” ? , „A man of TRUTH”? Well weak links in the chain like this will ruin an otherwise very interesting presentation, particularly because of his obvious high intelligence. It shows bias. Nevertheless very interesting!
PolubieniePolubienie
https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0700613587/ref=as_li_tl?ie=UTF8&camp=1789&creative=9325&creativeASIN=0700613587&linkCode=as2&tag=tra0c7-20&linkId=072161face8040769fb91f7852e72601
Hitler’s Jewish Soldiers: The Untold Story of Nazi Racial Laws and Men of Jewish Descent in the German Military (Modern War Studies) Paperback – May 6, 2002
by Bryan Mark Rigg (Author)
On the murderous road to „racial purity” Hitler encountered unexpected detours, largely due to his own crazed views and inconsistent policies regarding Jewish identity. After centuries of Jewish assimilation and intermarriage in German society, he discovered that eliminating Jews from the rest of the population was more difficult than he’d anticipated. As Bryan Rigg shows in this provocative new study, nowhere was that heinous process more fraught with contradiction and confusion than in the German military.
Contrary to conventional views, Rigg reveals that a startlingly large number of German military men were classified by the Nazis as Jews or „partial-Jews” (Mischlinge), in the wake of racial laws first enacted in the mid-1930s. Rigg demonstrates that the actual number was much higher than previously thought-perhaps as many as 150,000 men, including decorated veterans and high-ranking officers, even generals and admirals.
As Rigg fully documents for the first time, a great many of these men did not even consider themselves Jewish and had embraced the military as a way of life and as devoted patriots eager to serve a revived German nation. In turn, they had been embraced by the Wehrmacht, which prior to Hitler had given little thought to the „race” of these men but which was now forced to look deeply into the ancestry of its soldiers.
The process of investigation and removal, however, was marred by a highly inconsistent application of Nazi law. Numerous „exemptions” were made in order to allow a soldier to stay within the ranks or to spare a soldier’s parent, spouse, or other relative from incarceration or far worse. (Hitler’s own signature can be found on many of these „exemption” orders.) But as the war dragged on, Nazi politics came to trump military logic, even in the face of the Wehrmacht’s growing manpower needs, closing legal loopholes and making it virtually impossible for these soldiers to escape the fate of millions of other victims of the Third Reich.
Based on a deep and wide-ranging research in archival and secondary sources, as well as extensive interviews with more than four hundred Mischlinge and their relatives, Rigg’s study breaks truly new ground in a crowded field and shows from yet another angle the extremely flawed, dishonest, demeaning, and tragic essence of Hitler’s rule.
PolubieniePolubienie
The Transfer Agreement–25th Anniversary Edition: The Dramatic Story of the Pact Between the Third Reich and Jewish Palestine 25th Anniversary Edition
by Edwin Black (Author)
The Transfer Agreement is Edwin Black’s compelling, award-winning story of a negotiated arrangement in 1933 between Zionist organizations and the Nazis to transfer some 50,000 Jews, and $100 million of their assets, to Jewish Palestine in exchange for stopping the worldwide Jewish-led boycott threatening to topple the Hitler regime in its first year. 25th Anniversary Edition.
PolubieniePolubienie
IBM and the Holocaust: The Strategic Alliance between Nazi Germany and America’s Most Powerful Corporation. Expanded Edition
: The Strategic Alliance between Nazi Germany and America’s Most Powerful Corporation. Expanded
Edition
by Edwin Black (Author)
IBM and the Holocaust is the award-winning, New York Times bestselling shocker–a million copies in print–detailing IBM’s conscious co-planning and co-organizing of the Holocaust for the Nazis, all micromanaged by its president Thomas J Watson from New York and Paris. This Expanded Edition offers 37 pages of previous unpublished documents, pictures, internal company correspondence, and other archival materials to produce an even more explosive volume. Originally published to extraordinary praise in 2001, this provocative, award-winning international bestseller has stood the test of time as it chronicles the story of IBM’s strategic alliance with Nazi Germany. IBM and the Holocaust provides nothing less than a chilling investigation into corporate complicity. Edwin Black’s monumental research exposes how IBM and its subsidiaries helped create enabling technologies for the Nazis, step-by-step, from the identification and cataloging programs of the 1930s to the selections of the 1940s.
PolubieniePolubienie
Operation Paperclip: The Secret Intelligence Program that Brought Nazi Scientists to America Paperback – January 20, 2015
by Annie Jacobsen (Author)
The author of the acclaimed bestseller Area 51 reveals the explosive dark secrets behind America’s post-WWII science programs.
In the chaos following World War II, some of the greatest spoils of Germany’s resources were the Third Reich’s scientific minds. The U.S. government secretly decided that the value of these former Nazis’ knowledge outweighed their crimes and began a covert operation code-named Paperclip to allow them to work in the U.S. without the public’s full knowledge.
Drawing on exclusive interviews with dozens of Paperclip family members, colleagues, and interrogators, and with access to German archival documents (including papers made newly available by direct descendants of the Third Reich’s ranking members), files obtained through the Freedom of Information Act, and lost dossiers discovered in government archives and at Harvard University, Annie Jacobsen follows more than a dozen German scientists through their postwar lives and into one of the most complex, nefarious, and jealously guarded government secrets of the 20th century.
PolubieniePolubienie
The Nazis Next Door: How America Became a Safe Haven for Hitler’s Men Paperback – October 6, 2015
by Eric Lichtblau (Author)
For the first time, once-secret government records and interviews tell the full story of the thousands of Nazis—from concentration camp guards to high-level officers in the Third Reich—who came to the United States after World War II and quietly settled into new lives. Many gained entry on their own as self-styled war “refugees.” But some had help from the U.S. government. The CIA, the FBI, and the military all put Hitler’s minions to work as spies, intelligence assets, and leading scientists and engineers, whitewashing their histories. Only years after their arrival did private sleuths and government prosecutors begin trying to identify the hidden Nazis. Now, relying on a trove of newly disclosed documents and scores of interviews, Eric Lichtblau reveals this shocking, shameful, and little-known chapter of postwar history.
PolubieniePolubienie
https://www.amazon.com/Trading-Enemy-Charles-Higham/dp/0760700095/ref=pd_sim_14_5?_encoding=UTF8&pd_rd_i=0760700095&pd_rd_r=VFZ74FXWD5WYAK428MYF&pd_rd_w=yBX7U&pd_rd_wg=13Ncc&psc=1&refRID=VFZ74FXWD5WYAK428MYF
Trading with the Enemy Hardcover – 1983
by Charles Higham (Author)
This perennial classic of political literature remians the only book to documnet the trading of the American financial establishment with Hitler’s Germany in World War II, from Pearl Harbor to V-E Day. Ford supplied tanks to Hitler, the Chase Bank financed the Nazi’s in Paris, ITT built rocket bombs for Goering and Standard Oil fueled U-boats in the Atlantic.
PolubieniePolubienie
Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler
by Antony C. Sutton (Author)
“The contribution made by American capitalism to German war preparations can only be described as phenomenal. It was certainly crucial to German military capabilities…. Not only was an influential sector of American business aware of the nature of Nazism, but for its own purposes aided Nazism wherever possible (and profitable)―with full knowledge that the probable outcome would be war involving Europe and the United States.”
Penetrating a cloak of falsehood, deception, and duplicity, Professor Sutton reveals one of the most remarkable and under-reported facts of World War II―that key Wall Street banks and American businesses supported Hitler’s rise to power by financing and trading with Nazi Germany. Carefully tracing this closely guarded secret through original documents and eyewitness accounts, Sutton comes to the unsavory conclusion that the catastrophe of World War II was extremely profitable for a select group of financial insiders. He presents a thoroughly documented account of the role played by J.P. Morgan, T.W. Lamont, the Rockefeller interests, General Electric, Standard Oil, and the National City, Chase, and Manhattan banks, Kuhn, Loeb and Company, General Motors, Ford Motor Company, and scores of others in helping to prepare the bloodiest, most destructive war in history.
This classic study, first published in 1976 and the third volume of a trilogy, is reproduced here in its original form. The other volumes in this trilogy are Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution and Wall Street and FDR.
PolubieniePolubienie
Netanyahu: Hitler Didn’t Want to Exterminate the Jews – Credit: GPO
Haaretz.com
Published on Oct 21, 2015
Netanyahu: Hitler Didn’t Want to Exterminate the Jews –
Credit: GPO
Omar Husseini
So give the Germans their money back
Melk
Hitler was a sensitive man.
Puking Panda
So the moral of the story is that Hitler did absolutely nothing wrong and that a bunch of(different) semites are behind it all once agian.
Mick Walker
The Holocau$t is a Fairytale that the Jews bring up everytime they want to STEAL more Palestinian land.
PolubieniePolubienie
Dear Poland: Your Holocaust law fools no one. No one forgets
53,083 views Like 237 Dislike 10K
Haaretz.com
Published on Feb 21, 2018
Earthling Carl
Sweet Jesus, I’ve never seen that many dislikes to likes in my entire time on YouTube! :O
fanaber70
Mendacious, malicious, wicked and evil Jewish extortionists, totally ungrateful to the unprecedented Polish dedication to save as many Jews as possible during WW2 ! According to their evil Talmud, the Jewry don’t need to be thankful to the goyim whom they regard as the mere vermin !!! That arrant liar in the video says that the survivors remember and can’t be wrong! They’re wrong because the Jews, who aren’t Semitic at all, are innately incapable of veracity. Survivors?! How many of them are still alive after WW2 ? They’re not even treated properly by their Knesset in Israel often living in wretched poverty !!! The Jews are usually born to be consummate liars. It’s wonderful NOBODY nowadays believes them any more seeing how only money-oriented they are in all their attitude towards the goyim !!!
Richard Harris
Styx, As a Polish American I say THANK YOU for supporting Poland!! Jews like this guy doesn’t like this new Polish Holocaust Law, but Jews don’t think all of their „Holocaust Denial” laws across Europe are idiotic. They LOVE THEM!! Currently, an old Canadian lady Monika Schaefer is being prosecuted in Germany for „Holocaust Denial” because she said that the „6 million Jews died” in the Holocaust is an inflated number. And Jews across the world are CELEBRATING her prosecution where she will be facing YEARS in German prison!!! I will bet this guy in this video is ALSO CELEBRATING her prosecution!! Jews are the BIGGEST HYPOCRITES!!
Twardowsky
Thanks for the entry. You must understand one thing. Jews from Poland died in the Holocaust, survived mainly those who were communists and the escape of the USSR. After the war, they created a new government in Poland, which is why Poles do not like them. AFTER THE WAR OF 1967, as Israel was on the US side, in the Soviet bloc began action against the Zionist and communists were throwing Jews out of their ranks, many ordinary Jews took off. However, it was these Jews who went west and were given a place in universities in the USA, they were specialists from the East and they were building such a picture of Poland. You took the mass of communist Jews and gave them a place at universities. The leading philosopher of postmodernism in Europe
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zygmunt_Bauman,
they forgot to mention that he was a communist political officer. It is impossible to be more communist than to become a political officer. Such people got jobs at your universities, you think what could have gone wrong.
Ron Łizli
You should see previous video where they just stood there and repeated „Polish Holocaust” like 10 times. This video got 300 thumbs up and 31000 down. Only Jewish hypocrisy can achieve that.
Seek 4 Veracity
The goyim finally know which the JIDF, ADL, and Hasbara Fellowship can’t do nothing about.
N0r3k
„If you repeat a lie often enough it becomes accepted as truth” – Joseph Goebbels
Kajko Kokosz
yes, Goebbels is now jewish hero and teacher.
PolubieniePolubienie
A message from Poland to American JEWS – Odpowiedź Polski dla Amerykanskich Żydów
Finkelstaibach Ritenstumberg
Published on Feb 22, 2018
Message from Polland to American Jews Let us Alone! You do not know the true story about the Holocaust. YOU just LIE! The same message for Jews in Israel !
Jarosław M
S. Jastrzębowski reminded the story of the Jewish poet, Icchak Kacenelson. This wise and brave Jew, imprisoned in the camps by the Germans, wrote a poem secretly in one of the camps, with the title: „Song of the murdered Jewish nation.” He put it in a bottle and hid it in the camp – when it was found, Kacenelson had been dead for 4 months, gassed in Auschwitz. Look at which criminals he wrote about.
„I am the one who saw it, who watched closely,
Like children, wives and husbands, and my old silver heads
Like stones and stacks on the carts torturer flung
And he beat without a shadow of mercy, he lied with inhuman words.
I looked at it from behind the window, I saw a bunch of murderers –
Oh, God, I’ve seen beating and beaten, ones that go to death.
I broke my hands in shame. shame and disgrace –
Jews were murdered with the hands of Jews – helpless Jews!
Traitors who ran across the empty street in shining tops
With the swastika on the caps – with David’s shield, they went furious
With their mouths, which foreign words hurt, supercilious and wild,
Who dumped us from the stairs, who dragged us out of the houses.
Who pulled out the door from the doorposts, break in with violence, villains,
With a club raised to the blow – to homes taken over by fear.
They beat us, they rushed old people, they rushed our youngest
Somewhere on the terrified streets. And they spit straight into Gods face.
They found us in wardrobes and pulled out from under the beds,
And they cursed: „Move, for God’s sake, to umschlag, there is your place!”
All of us dragged out of the apartments, then they rummaged in them longer,
To take the last clothes, a piece of bread and porridge.
And on the street – crazy! Look, because here
A dead street, and with one cry became a terror –
From the end to the end empty, but full, like never before –
Cars! And from despair, from shouting, it’s hard for cars to drive.
Jews in them! They tor hair from their heads and wringing hands.
Some are silent – their silence is even a louder scream.
Look. Their eyesight. Is it reality? Maybe a bad dream and nothing more?
With them, the Jewish police – cruel and wild ruffians!
And on the side – the German with a light smile looks at them,
The German stopped at a distance and looks – he does not interfere,
He kills my Jews with Jewish hands! „
No, Jewish leaders, making mush from the worlds public opinion and own nation, this won’t pass. You will not repudiate the crimes of your nation’s representatives. You’re unlucky – there were too many witnesses to the inconvenient truth for you, among the representatives of your nation. Do not silence your dirty conscience with a propaganda campaign of media lies. Maybe you have money, media and influence, but the truth can’t be bribed. You will not deny your complicity in extermination. You will not repudiate your Jewish smugglers, tracking their own countrymen and giving them to the Germans to death. Or those who sold people their own lives for money. Neither those, who demanded sexual services from Jewish womenfor saving their lives.
They were NOT better people than the Polish blackmailers, of whom you are making monsters today and you are passing their guilt on the whole Polish nation, at the same time trying to erase from international memory the fact that you had many same bastards among the representatives of their own nation. It’s enough of those stinking double standards. It is enough to hide behind a trench built of the slogan „anti-Semitism” and toattack us with impunity.
You no longer have your servants in our government. There will be no more polite nodding. And even IF the government will want to sag under pressure, we, the Polish nation, will not let them do it.
You will not pass on the burden of your sins to us.
You want a dialogue? Let’s talk. Let’s start with the proportions. If the Swedish historian Gunnar S. Paulsson claimed that for every 1 polish smugglerthere were 20 to 30 Poles exposing their lives forsaving jewish lives, than you should stop wasting time on whining, because you have many THANK YOU to say. You should praise for the amazing, worthy of the highest respect, heroism of the Polish nation. You should appreciate the fact that it was POLAND that gave you a home when other nations drove you away. And you owe a hugeapology for Polish victims of Jewish murderers from the NKVD, counted in thousands.
Then we can talk about dialogue.
Your bullets are lies, slanders, greed, intrigues. We have only one weapon, but it is a weapon of mass destruction.
The truth.
razproza.pl
(translation by: Alex Yang)
Eight Wheels
genialna robota! Wstyd dla politykow, ze nic nie robia, a zwykli obywatele musza walczyc o dobre imie Polski! Wstyd!!
PolubieniePolubienie
Ashkenazim Police and Others in Poland Complicit in Holocaust
AfriSynergyNews
Published on Feb 17, 2018
Netanyahu, visiting Europe and the Munich meeting, challenged the Polish Prime Minister’s statement about some Ashkenazim also being complicit in the death camps in Poland. I will be coming with the facts on this topic.
Kevin Kutcha
Thank you Mr. West I relish your posts.
misio87
Where do you get these information that we try to deny that there were Polish citizens that collaborated ? This is common knowledge and we don’t deny anything. All we wan’t is for ppl to stop saying Polish death camps. If you helped a Jew in Poland you got snuffed, If you helped a Jew in France you got a fine. You know that the second largest number of ppl executed in the nazi camps were Poles.
indianiecworld
i am from Poland and i have no problem admitting that there were Polish collaborators. So is Polish PM. He admitted that there were collaborators in many nations including Polish and Jewish
Kr K
Why is the subject of the Jewish collaborators and perpetrators so controversial? Many very reputable scholars of the Holocaust, including the founder of the Holocaust studies, Raul Hilberg („The Destruction of the European Jews”), engaged with the subject of Jewish collaborators and perpetrators in their research and scholarly work. Hannah Arendt dealt with this subject in her book „Eichmann in Jerusalem”“.
„In Amsterdam as in Warsaw, in Berlin as in Budapest, Jewish officials could be trusted to compile the lists of persons and of their property, to secure money from the deportees to defray the expenses of their deportation and extermination [sic!], to keep track of vacated apartments, to supply police forces to help seize Jews and get them on trains […]” (Arendt 2006, pp. 118)
„The well-known fact that the actual work of killing in the extermination centers was usually in the hands of Jewish commandos had been fairly and squarely established […]—how they had worked in the gas chambers and the crematories, how they had pulled the gold teeth and cut the hair of the corpses, how they had dug the graves and, later, dug them up again to extinguish the traces of mass murder; how Jewish technicians had built gas chambers in Theresienstadt, where the Jewish ‚autonomy’ had been carried so far that even the hangman was a Jew.” (Arendt 2006, pp. 123)
„The whole truth was that if the Jewish people had really been unorganized and leaderless, there would have been chaos and plenty of misery but the total number of victims would hardly have been between four and a half and six million people. (According to Freudinger’s calculations about half of them [sic!] could have saved themselves if they had not followed the instructions of the Jewish Councils).” (pp. 125) „[…] To a Jew this role of the Jewish leaders in the destruction of their own people is undoubtedly the darkest chapter of the whole dark story” (Arend 2006, pp. 117).
Shouldn’t the whitewashing of the history of Jewish collaborators and perpetrators be viewed as Holocaust denialism?
PolubieniePolubienie
Jews were ‘passive’ during Holocaust, so Israel is ashamed – Polish president’s aide
RT
Published on Feb 12, 2018
An adviser to the Polish president has come under fire for what some are calling anti-Israeli comments. He was defending a new law that prohibits Polish people from being held responsible for the crimes of the Nazi regime against the Jews. READ MORE:
https://www.rt.com/news/418431-jews-passive-holocaust-poland/
Insane Holocaust Denier
Holy Crap!!! Comments are not disabled on a Holocaust video.
D Redacted
This had me laughing. Using the „holocaust” as a „shield” is absolutely 100% correct 60,000,000 Christians slaughtered in Russia, where is my holocaust pension. „Oi vey, why us after all we have been through?”
Red Ice TV
1 week ago
LOL, so now Israel and Jews are concerned with their right to „question” the holocaust – against Polish law – on their own terms, study it and talk about it freely. So they can blame Poland for what Germans did. Right, so will this Marc Schulman now understand, sympathize with and defend the right of those like Monika Schaefer (who currently is in Germany imprisoned for voicing her own opinions and thoughts about the holocaust)? How about Ursula Haverbeck (age 89, who also in in Jail for the same issue) or Sylvia Stolz (who also in in Jail for the same issue)? Will you come to their defense?
Now Poland is just fighting back with a law that is putting a similar restriction on YOU, same restriction that you have helped put on Germany and other European countries, and the people’s ability to talk about this historical event (and come to their own conclusions and investigate it freely – even if you don’t like what conclusions they draw). So how does it feel? Haha, this will just expose your hypocrisy further. And all you’ll do is to continue calling it „anti-semitic” basically proving Zybertowicz’s point made in this statement.
Милош Спасић
The man is right about Israel using the holocaust as an excuse for everything
Rocky Balboa
All I’ll say is The Goyim are waking up
Banjo Marla
This reaction from Poland is very much in proportion to Israels constant focus on the holocaust. Israel issued a dictate to its own people urging forgiveness for those Jews that betrayed other Jews. So extend it beyond . And don’t forget they are running their own concentration camp now in Palestine.
PolubieniePolubienie
http://blogpress.pl/node/17461
PolubieniePolubienie
https://pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marek_Borowski
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marek_Borowski
valdi@valdi
Kodeks traktowania Polaków przez Żydów według senatora Marka Borowskiego ..zapytajcie p.sen.marka borowskiego o jego ‚panieńskie/dziewicze’ nazwisko.. ..wszystko w temacie.. ..żydżydowiokaniewykole.. scorpion valdi
manko
Żydówka Fajga Mindla Danielak Rozprawa : Żydówka Maria Sand I instancja : Żyd Benjamin Wajsblech Wyrok zatwierdzają : Żydzi Emil Merz, Gustaw Auscaler, Paulina Kern. A nazi kłmcy, jak berman.syn plują
Chwalba
Teraz , po tej awanturze żydowskiej , niech PAD nie śmie mówić o rzeczpospolitej przyjaciół . Słuchacze bezpośredni mogą zareagować dość ostro .
Chwalba
Już po tej awanturze wywołanej przez Żyda – Netanjahu – niech żaden polski polityk nie zakłada jarmułki i nie zapala świecy chanukowej , jeśli chce wygrać wybory .
https://wpolityce.pl/swiat/383283-kodeks-traktowania-polakow-przez-zydow-wedlug-senatora-marka-borowskiego
Kodeks traktowania Polaków przez Żydów według senatora Marka Borowskiego
opublikowano: za 28 minut
Paradoksalnie wzrost napięcia w stosunkach polsko-izraelskich służy wyjaśnieniu wielu dotąd nieporuszanych aspektów współżycia obu narodów.
24 lutego, godzina 20:16 to niezwykle ważny moment w historii stosunków polsko- żydowskich. Senator Marek Borowski opublikował zasady jakie powinny być nienaruszalne w kontaktach Polaków z Żydami. Tekst został napisany twiterowym slangiem i zamieszczony na tym opiniotwórczym portalu:
Wywiad z R.Bergmanem w TVN. Szczery, pasjonujący. Sedno jest takie (czego kompl.nie rozumie PMM i autorzy ustawy): ocaleni z czy ich dzieci mogą mówić o polskim narodzie najgorsze,nawet niespraw. rzeczy i nie wolno ich za to ścigać!@KurskiPL pow.opubl.ten wywiad w TVP1.
We wpisie pana Marka Borowskiego najistotniejsze jest zawarte w określeniu: „…najgorsze,nawet niespraw. rzeczy…”. Skrót „niespraw.” można rozwinąć dwutorowo: „niesprawiedliwe” albo „niesprawdzone”. Oba są jednoznaczne w swojej wymowie i nie pozostawiają miejsca na dyskusję. W praktyce każdy Żyd może lżyć każdego Polaka, i to jest ten stan rzeczy, który Żydzi uważają za podstawę naszych obopólnych stosunków.
Te krótkie wynurzenia rewelacyjnie definiują to co obserwujemy od początku III Rzeczypospolitej, tylko było skrywane w szarej sferze niedomówień. Żydzi są stroną uprzywilejowaną, a Polacy mają obowiązek podporządkować się, a nie bez sensu upierać, że są u siebie w kraju, i że to oni powinni tu decydować co i jak.
Najgorsze jest jednak to, że sytuacja jest nieodwracalna. Holocaust się wydarzył i tego nikt nie cofnie. Innych zdarzeń z II Wojny Światowej także. Konkludując, po wsze czasy Żydzi mają według własnych reguł podstawy do przypisywania Polakom najgorszych zbrodni i my powinniśmy jedynie spuścić głowę w poczuciu winy. A jak będą nam ubliżać, najwyżej przyśmiechnąć się przepraszająco. Co więcej, nawet jak byśmy spełnili wszystkie finansowe żądania organizacji żydowskich, to i tak nie jesteśmy w stanie z siebie zmyć naszych „oczywistych” przewin. Tak jak teraz strona żydowska rozgłasza, miejmy nadzieję bezpodstawnie, że rząd polski się ugiął i „zamrozi” sporną ustawę o IPN, tak nawet po spełnieniu roszczeń, należy się spodziewać, że przekaz będzie w tym duchu: Ci polscy antysemici chcą zmyć swoje winy, ale zapłacenie nam… 100 (?) mld dolarów, niczego nie zmienia, bo nie można przeliczyć cierpienia narodu żydowskiego na pieniądze. Byli winni i są winni. Nie bez powodu młode pokolenia w Izraelu wychowuje się w nienawiści do Polaków.
Dobrze, że Pan Marek Borowski tak klarownie nam uzmysłowił gdzie jest nasze miejsce. Pokornie i bez szemrania zgadzać się na wszelkie żydowskie szkalowanie.
Może jednak dla poprawienia stosunków dobrze by było, gdyby rodziny tych wymordowanych i denuncjowanych przez Żydów na kresach po wejściu Armii Czerwonej, i potomkowie, tych których już po wojnie katowali, zabijali i grzebali byle gdzie żydowscy oprawcy, też mogli mówić o żydowskim narodzie „najgorsze,nawet niespraw. rzeczy”.
Może wtedy się jakoś dogadamy.
Przy takiej okazji warto jeszcze zacytować jeden twit dotyczący wykonania 24 lI 1953 r. wyroku śmierci na generale Auguście Emilu Fieldorfie ps. „Nil”, dowódcy Kedywu Komendy Głównej AK po sfingowanym sfingowanym procesie.
Aresztowanie : Żydówka Fajga Mindla Danielak Rozprawa : Żydówka Maria Sand I instancja : Żyd Benjamin Wajsblech Wyrok zatwierdzają : Żydzi Emil Merz, Gustaw Auscaler, Paulina Kern.
Te rzeczy są sprawdzone.
autor: Ryszard Makowski
Polka
Bratanek tow. Bermana sądzi, że czas się cofnął i komuniści żydowscy z moskiewskiego nadania rządzą w Polsce. Przejaw demencji, kiedy dawne czasy nabierają wyrazistości, czy żydowska bezczelność ?
Jacek
Borowski skradł Polskie nazwisko. Powinien pozostać przy swoim żydowskim było by czytelniej kim jest . A jest wrogiem Polski.
Jacek
Berman i Bergman to podobne nazwiska. Rodzina Borowskiego miała nazwisko BERMAN. Stąd takie antypolskie wypowiedzi.
Set
Obiektywny kodeks stworzony przez Bermana wnuka Bermana obecnie vel Marka Borowskiego. To jest dopiero manipulacja. 🙂
wlkp@wlkp
Brawo. Jedyna normalna uczciwa osoba tutaj. A Karnowscy narobili pod siebie ze strachu przed żydami i izraelem.
visor
Jaki on Marek Borowski?wg.Wikipedii to Szymon Berman.
Anna
Państwo polskie powinno sie dwa razy zastanowić zanim wpuści do siebie żyda czy nie bedzie z nim kłopotów.
SO
A CO OCZEKUJECIE PO BITYM ZYDZISKU BOROWSKIM ZASTANAWIAJACE ZE TO ZYDZISKO WSTYDZI SIE SWEGO PRAWDZIWEGO NAZWISKA CZY TEZ TEN ZYDOWSKI KAMUFLAZ PRZYBRAL ABY ZMYLIC PRZECIWNIKA NIE PASUJE WYPAD DO IZR
PolubieniePolubienie
https://finanse.wp.pl/grupa-pge-i-allegro-wycofaly-swe-znaki-z-dorzeczypl-po-kontrowersyjnym-rysunku-6224460464072833a
Grupa PGE i Allegro wycofały swe znaki z Dorzeczy.pl po kontrowersyjnym rysunku
W DoRzeczy.pl pojawił się rysunek Cezarego Krysztopy z napisem „#Polish Holocaust”. Wzbudził spore kontrowersje w sieci, część komentatorów uznała, że jest antysemicki. Zareagowały też PGE i Allegro.
Kontrowersyjny rysunek, jaki pojawił się na stronach dorzeczy.pl (dorzeczy.pl, Fot: printscreen)
PGE Polska Grupa Energetyczna i Allegro zażądały usunięcia swoich logotypów widniejących obok rysunku Cezarego Krysztopy – podaje serwis Press.pl.
Jak czytamy w press.pl, w serwisie DoRzeczy.pl 22 lutego wieczorem w dziale „Rysunkowy komentarz dnia” umieszczony został rysunek Cezarego Krysztopy. Przedstawiał klęczącego mężczyznę z biało-czerwoną opaską na ramieniu, nad nim dwóch mundurowych, którzy celowali mu w głowę, jednego ze swastyką, drugiego z gwiazdą Dawida. A pod nim napis: „#Polish Holocaust”.
Na górnej belce nad rysunkiem widniało logo Grupy PGE jako partnera serwisu, a u dołu logo Allegro, które odsyłało do konta Cezarego Krysztopy w tym portalu, gdzie można było kupić jego prace. Jak podaje press, dzień później logotypy zniknęły z DoRzeczy.pl.
Paweł Lisicki, redaktor naczelny „Tygodnika do Rzeczy”, zapytany przez Pressserwis, czy podoba mu się ten rysunek, nie chciał udzielić komentarza.
PolubieniePolubienie
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